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MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ROYAL ARTILLERY INSTITUTION.
VOLUME XXII.
WOOLWICH : PRINTED AT THE ROYAL ARTILLERY INSTITUTION. And Published by Messrs, DULAU & Co., 87, Soho Square, W.
Cmemmmmee!
1896.
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
TOUL81
Bitte at 7 ae
CONTENTS.
PaGE. Okehampton Experiences, 1894. By Major A.J. Hughes, R.A. (4 lecture delivered at the Royal Artillery Institution, 11th October, 1894). i Ancient British Ordnance now in the peel: Museum, Madrid. aie Lieut.- Colonel J. C. Dalton (h.p.), R.A. : 50006 vane! Record targets: being a short description of those now in use and a com- parison of their merits. By Captain P. E. Gray, R.A. ese 27 Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited hy Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date R.H.A. Chapter I. . nase 35 A Method of calculating the ee te of Coast Defence Fire. By Mo R. M. B. F. Kelly, R.A. 5g8 5b saoeo et cpt ae 55 A Plea for heavy guns in Fortress Defence. ty one G. Were. R.A. 69 Notes on German Manceuvres. By Major J. F. Manifold, R.A. ............ 71
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited by Colonel 'F. A. Whinyates, Jate R.H.A. peat I]. and III. re Continued pats om
$00 By INO. thy Ais HOM) 0 3657600 560308003 : 81 The Story of the Civil War in America. A Review. ee es E.S. May, R.A. Sand add 0qn 00Hde0 SotaGe O08 00 109
Diary of Lieut. W. Ree R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited be Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date R.H.A. Le nee IEW, © Continued ae om th 107, ENOL) sO peNOXITE). so Jn oe 113
General Bourbaki’s Campaign in January and ase 1871. By T. M. Maguire, Esq.. LL.D. (4 Lecture delivered at the R.A. ae, Toone, December 18th, 1894). . ohooh (eloieiecsieernettts aareaettatone Sire > Alsi
Coast Artillery in Action. By Lieut.-Colonel J. R. J. Jocelyn, R.A. (4 Lecture delivered at the Roy eee Artillery a ea Woolwich, 8th November, 1894). . ate aS 151
Captain Thomas Brown, Chief Fire-Master in the West Indies, 1693. By Charles Dalton, Hditor ve Eng es Ari ay Insts and Commission Registers, 1661-1714. . Bob coeos 5 Le
Torpedo-Boat Raids on Harbours. By Lieut. C. G. Vereker, R.A. ......... 179
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited by Colonel F, A Whinyates, late R.H.A. conn Vv. mage Jrom p. 180, No. 3,. Vol. XXIL).. Hooncd SotinoidobAagnugnagsencuonsgood ake)
vi. CONTENTS. PAGE Proposed Slide Rules for Calculating Battery Commandeyr’s Corrections. of Ma jOneAn Catt ansard seh sAcam ayyuek pest eer cin. ey eath heap emnrene se h29 (il!
Co-operation between Guns and Cavalry. By Major E.S. May, R.A. (4 Lecture delivered at the FES Ar eee ana ie mae 7th Mb, HBOS) o00000e00 000 ase . 207
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited e Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date R.H.A. Picea IL, (esti 10, ee es Pe 199,
No. 4, Vol. XXII). “ . 241 With the Mountain Artilleries of France and a Tay, Ee Bene: Isl, 5 C5 10, Simpson, R.A. ees short yte stare + 259
Terrestrial Refraction and Mirage. By Major P. A. MacMahon, R.A., ERS. (4 Lecture delivered at the kk ea coe Institution, Woolwich, 7th Kebruary, 1895). Wa REE Sr 5 . 269
Royal wAatilleryasb ame ee csanerdosieciceriapys-taiceior seis teladeterea Meehan eaaekis sr eneeed ee Oo
Diary of Lieut. W. core R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Hdited by Colonel F. A. Whinyates, late R.H.A. eae eer Pant els ee ee P.
207, No. 5, Vol. XXII). Renate bog DOL Abstract of the Proceedings of the Tee Highth Annual General Meeting of the Royal Artillery Institution. . : ars cabooondBbogs dooads Abt
The training together in peace time the Garrison mln Mery Forces of the Empire, including Regular, Militia, Volunteer and Colonial Artillery. (Silver Medal Prize Essay, 1895). By Captain E. G. Nicolls, R.A. ... 327
The training together in peace time the Garrison Artillery Forces of the Empire, including Regular, Militia, Volunteer and Colonial Artillery. (Commended Essay, 1895). By Lieut.-Colonel R. F. Williams, R.A.,.. 353
The training together in peace time the Garrison Artillery Forces of the Empire, including Regular, Militia, Volunteer and Colonial Artillery. (Commended Essay, 1895). By Lieut.-Colonel A. W. White, R.A. ... 369
Centenary Cup. Communicated by the Secretary. .........sscscecsreseecerenene SOT
Instruments for looking through thick walls with small apertures. By A. H. Russell, Captain of “Ordnance, U.S. Army. Communicated by NG) SECTOWBIRY. cooosovcooceuce REECE n oon hOeU EET rca doco ater een aotere wee)
An account of the Relief of Chitral Fort from Gilgit and the Siege of Chitral. By Lieut. C. G. Stewart, R.A. . Bae ath aan Mocsananss Uae eee sooo BOY)
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited ae Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date R.H.A. ee Thos Pants JUL, Cele: from p. 310, No. 6, Vol. XXIL). . sna PH veer ee rch OO
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A., in the Peninsula. Hdited by Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date RHA. ee Wo, Tet IL, ae
Srom p. 423, No. 8, Vol. XXII). . BS cddond Soocedendeos odn, CHD Eastern and Western Views of Mountain Air. A Review. ath es H. C. C. D. Simpson, R.A. Sods opuode 960 a . 439
Notes on German Manceuvres, 1894. “Be Colonel A. E. Turner, c.3.,
CONTENTS. Vil.
PAGE
Siege of Gibraltar. By Brevet-Lieut.-Colonel J. Adye, RA. weccecscesseeseves 457
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Ldited by Colonel BAY Whinyates, date R.H.A. sae eee arteekl, Saas
from p. 487, No. 9, Vol. XXID). ne : vee . 485 Terrestrial Refraction and Mirage. yt Lieutenant I. M. Brown pe O. pa
REAR ehom she yas incda dda scecaseaan oe . 497 The Artillery in Chitral. iy ness G. F. Herbert, R.A.. depen iacrmaconue BAU
More brief considerations on Uoast Defence. By Col. D. O’Callaghan,
A new method of setting the ne of wheels. o mae G. P. Owen, The Ammunition Service of a Fort. spe Major R. F. Johnson, R.A ........, 517
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula, Edited by Colonel F, A. Whinyates, date R.HL.A. eee IT., Part III. (Continued Strom p. 496, No. 10, Vol. XXII). BOCODODS GodaGnudd soe cad odode LOCH
The Casualty Returns of the German Artillery at the Battles of Colombey, Mars-la-Tour, and Gavelotte. By Major F. G. Stone, D.-A.-A.-G., R.A.. 587
Adjusting Clinometer Planes of Ordnance. By cue W. E. Donohue (EOIME) Sie Ater. Pe ROST Ee Noose sianachert poo AGT . 545
On the employment of Ar ini in Cuba. ay Lieut.-Colonel J. C. Dalton, R.A. 00.600.600 : : .. 547
Extracts from old Order Books, R.A., Sheerness. Communicated on Goat Wi. J&L, Crmmommmers, IRL, 5000000000 soosbAdNdDSCO DEO ECOHNAsODSIOG0G000 HUES
Balak ¢A leeolllegiion), Idsf 18 40. We noocc00 000000 000000000000 nod 00h ood 00n OIL
A few hints on marching at home and abroad. Hy Major J. Hotham,
A list of the Artillery Company in Scotland at the time of the Union, and their Pay. By Charles Dalton, Lditor cy gree ad Lists and Com- mission Registers, 1661-1714. Asa .. 579
Diary of Lieut. W. Swabey, R.H.A. in the Peninsula. Edited by Colonel F. A. Whinyates, date R.H.A. oe ete JUMoy Jee IOUT : Continued Srom p. 585, No. 11, Vol. XXII) ........ donhosdoboonabotdadbacn SOB £4 YF D1
LIST OF PLATES.
TO FACE
PAGE Map of Spain and Portugal.. seas pnbu cooeduobe acoRdN God ell Map of the Country round Castel mene aml Cindad Tothige Benin eet nto 91
Map to Illustrate General Bourbaki’s Campaign 1871........cc0..ccssssseveevee LB] Slide Rule for Calculating Tide Correction ....,...
Vill, CONTENTS,
TO FACE
PAGE
BattlevofeAlbueraye Maye Othe Sa lenemnmsiacacercsenecter seek sc asetetemateck avace ce es
Battle of Balaclava... 6G dagho -appocdencusccoodbooootedGonnndeaoa eHeiee
Map of a Part of soa ema ae tM ae ase ee ee eetss 208
French Mountain Artillery... ies 500 BY) View of the Grand Attack on i Cactton of Geile on take 33th Septem
ber, 1782.. Tian : Stpboccioo 100 sob-s00DOROKE vee 457
The iranian stoaaies Bis a . Hort, "Plate Th aonona0 codnOdOHodsOsed vod EG BOW)
Battle of Mars-la-Tour, Comparative Table of Shencikie.. Safehew sen area) ctson OAs Sketch shewing the Route of “Hi” Troop, from Cantonments 1 in n Portngal to
the Field of Vitoria... 50000600009 600 050000 nON1GG4085.600000 000 da9c00 0neG0900b0 BAY
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894:
BY
MAJOR A. J. HUGHES, R.A.
(A Lecbure delivered at the Royal Artillery Institution, 11th October, 1894).
COLONEL R. D. E. LOCKHART, R.A., IN THE CHAIR.
THe CaatrmMan—Gentlemen, the subject to night and the lecturer are both well known to you. I only ask you to take note of anything that occurs to you in the lecture that you may disagree with, or which you may think specially worthy of notice, or which you do not quite understand.
GrntLEMEN—It was with great diffidence that I accepted the kind invitation to deliver a lecture on this year’s Okehampton Experiences, for now that the system of practice is so well-defined and known, the changes from year to year are very small and, consequently, I am afraid you will find the lecture in a great measure a repetition of those of former years.
The system of issuing schemes, giving orders, &c., was very similar to that of the two previous years.
The chief alterations in the practice were—
First, there were more changes of fire when in action and, there- fore, fewer changes of position. Secondly, the targets were more diverse.
BrigaDE Practicr.
The interest in the Brigade practice centred rather in the fire tactics, transmission of orders, &c., than in the actual shooting, for owing to the necessity of using up the common, nothing else was em- ployed. No results were therefore taken, and when the effect is certain to be unknown, not much interest can be shown in the actual shooting.
Orders were generally written and sent by dismounted orderlies. One Brigade-division had a system of mounted orderlies, which ap- peared to work well. When in action the orderlies of the Officer Commanding the Brigade-division remained mounted, some little dis- tance in rear of, but within sight of, the Officer Commanding; one of them always keeping a watch on the Adjutant. When an order had to be sent, the Adjutant having written it, started off with it towards the orderlies, seeing him coming, one of them at once galloped up, took the order, and returned to await his turn again.
Owing to the varieties of carriages, sights and clamps now in use, great care has to be taken in sending orders for range and fuze from one battery to another, and mistakes arose on several occasions; in
1. You. XXIt. 1
2 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894.
fact, with batteries coming from different stations, it is very hard to avoid them.
Take the following case of three batteries, A., B., C., equipped as follows :—
A. having Mark II. carriage and Mark I. sight. baat a BS i » with altered clamp. C.
Say the range is 2100 yards.
If using T scale and yards, B. and C. would have the same elevation, 2.e., 2100 yards, and A. a greater one (2200) ; whilst, if using Scott’s sights and degrees, A. and B. would have the same elevation (8° 3’), and C. the lesser one (2° 48’). Thus, not only has the Adjutant to know what carriages and sights the batteries have, but even their clamps.
The question, raised at this lecture two years ago by Col. Ollivant, as to whether it is necessary for a Battery Commander to verify, before adopting a range and fuze passed to him, still appears unsettled. The balance of opinion certainly is in favour of acceptance at once, because :
99 39 If, 33 Ee) 92
First, verification is generally impossible, on account of the num- ber of shells falling on the target.
Second, concentration should be sudden, and if each battery has to verify, if cannot be so.
It is, however, difficult to tell whether such a fire would be effective. I think it should, for there is rarely more than 50 yards between the elevations fired at by batteries when practising on the same day over the same ground: unless, of course, through bad observation any bat- tery has not found the range. It would, I think, be interesting to arrange a Brigade-day, so as to have range reports and test the question thoroughly. ‘Targets to be placed so that each battery had a separate one to start with, and as soon as each had reported range and fuze, the Officer Commanding could (in place of concentrating) change the targets amongst the batteries, who should open at once with the given range and fuze.
OccuPATION OF PosITIONS.
The two methods, as usual, gave rise to a good deal of talk.
With regard to the deliberate, it struck one that it was a mistake for the Section Commander and gun-layers to make a race of it when doubling out to the Battery Commander. The latter could not start his instructions till all had arrived; further, the rush looks bad, and has the disadvantage that the layers arrive breathless, and shaking so much, that many are quite unable to set their sights. A slow, steady double appears quite sufficient.
The chief cause of failure of the deliberate was, that the gun-layers did not pay sufficient attention to choosing positions for their guns from which the target could be seen over the-sights; consequently, after the guns were in action they often had to be shifted. In order to avoid this, in some batteries the Section Commanders, before returning to the battery, placed their layers, and gave them orders not to move. This generally worked well, and is quite worth the extra time it takes.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 3
Section Commanders before leaving the layers should look to the dressing, and if one section cannot see the target without advancing far to the front, it appears desirable that the Section Commander should report it. This seems trivial, but neglect in reporting it often had bad results, as the following case, which occurred more than once, shows. The layers of a battery coming into action by the deliberate method, having had the target pointed out to them, extended from the right and took up positions for their guns; now, in consequence of the ground, the layers of the left section, in order to see the target, had to advance further to the front than those of the centre and right, this generally ended in one of two ways, both rather disastrous ; either— as the battery was coming up the left section layers, getting nervous about their dressing and seeing the Commanding Officer on their right, dressed back in line with the remainder, and, consequently, the guns could not see the target; or else, if they stood fast, the guns when in action were so far in advance that it was dangerous for the others to fire.
When, however, the Battery Commander was on the left flank, 7.e., the advanced one, the other layers dressed up and no evil resulted. This seems to point to the necessity for the Battery Commander, after the layers are placed, but before the battery arrives, dressing them up on to the most advanced layer, rather than to the flank on which he happens to be. Sometimes the Battery Commander, when pointing out the target, appeared to go further forward than was necessary, and it was suggested that better concealment would be obtained if he only went sufficiently forward to be able just to see the target, and that the layers, after they had extended, should advance far enough to be able to see it over the sights. A few tried showing the target to the Section Commanders first, and then they showed it to their layers.
With reference to this, one must remember that the ground at Oke- hampton, a bare hillside with no bushes, &c., makes it very hard to avoid exposure; further, the exposure always appears more to an onlooker with the battery than from the target. The group of layers, when seen from a flank, or from behind at a distance of a few yards, appears very different to what it does from the front at 38000 yards.
On several occasions, together with officers of the courses, I stood looking out from a bomb-proof close to the target. Although the range was only 2000 yards, very little could be seen, and had we not known exactly where to look for the battery, it could easily have escaped notice until the first gun.
I think more criticism from the target end of the range, especially during Brigade practice, would be valuable; but, of course, it must be from a bomb-proof close to the target, and not from the usual position of the range-party on a flank.
One of the causes of the direct method coming to grief was that of not advancing sufficiently to the front for all the layers to see the target over the sights; although done in the hope of not exposing the battery, it appears a fatal error, for on all occasions, and most certainly when the direct method is employed (1.e., range short and great rapidity desirable), the first desideratum is to be able to see the target over the sights without any running up. ;
4, OKEHAMPION EXPERIENCES, 1894,
With both methods it sometimes happened that a flank section, even if run up to the safe limit, was still unable to see the target. When this is the case, and there is room on the other flank, the easiest way out of the difficulty appeared to be for the section to be limbered up and moved round, fire in the meantime being continued with the other guns. Should this be impossible, clinometer elevation must be given to the section, the angle of sight being obtained from one of the guns that can see the target. This method with our present clinometer is very complicated, as it entails two different elevations in the battery, and under such conditions it is very easy for the Battery Commander to make a slip. With a clinometer having an adjustable zero, such as the German or Scott’s sight, fitted as recommended last year, it is comparatively simple. All the Section Commander would have to do would be to set it at the 7 elevation, place it on one of the guns that could see the target after it was laid, and automatically register the angle of sight by working the small screw until the bubble is in the centre ofitsrun. The Battery Commander, thus relieved of all trouble, could begin with four guns, and the other two would be ready to open fire by the time he had ranged.
Failing such a clinometer, the best way appears to be to ignore the angle of sight and use clinometer elevation for all the guns, only planting pickets for those that cannot see the target, the remainder laying for direction over the vent and muzzle.
The method of one section using quadrant and the remainder T ele- vation was successfully employed by one Battery Commander; on all the other occasions, as far as I know, the guns simply remained out of action. Seeing this happen with a single Brigade-division on posi- tions so well known, it seems probable that with a long line, sections or even, perhaps, batteries could easily find themselves so situated that they must either have recourse to pickets or remain silent.
At Brigade practice, when employing the direct method, the inter- vals between batteries sometimes suffered, and appeared to be best kept when the final advance was done in short echelon; this was especially noticeable in those cases in which, owing to the lie of the ground, the line of advance was not quite at right-angles to the position to be occu-
ied. ; The system, mentioned last year, of the Battery Commander pointing out the target to the nearest Section Commander, and leaving the others to pick it up from him, again answered well. In pointing it out to the nearest Section Commander, the best and quickest was generally for the Battery Commander to lay the first gun.
Misunderstandings of right and left were very rare ; in fact, I only heard of one, due, I believe, to the words ‘‘enemy’s left”? being mis- taken. ‘There was more doubt when numbers were employed, and one heard such questions as, “ His own number two, or do you mean num- ber two from the right ?”? It would tend to obviate these if all numbers were to be as read, 7.e., left to right, or else that the numbers were al- ways to begin from the firer’s right.
SIGNALS AND ORDERS. A few batteries used a number of extra signals. It appeared, however,
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1594. 5
that those at present in use are quite sufficient, and that more are only confusing. Repetition of, and extra orders, were still sometimes heard. A repetition considered necessary by some Battery Commanders was that of repeating the range after a doubtful observation. This seems unnecessary, because, having been given once, the guns are ready laid ; further, it causes delay, because of the many repetitions which it necessi- tates (four for each doubtful round), and also because the layer, hearing an elevation given, forgets that his gun is already laid, and is apt to put his sight in the gun and start re-laying. During slow fire, time was sometimes lost by the Battery Commander, intent on the target, not noticing when a gun was ready. ‘l'o obviate this some Commanding Officers allowed their Section Commanders to draw their attention verbally ; others trained their recorders to always look in the battery, and then when the Section Commander signalled, to say “ Gun ready, Sibenae APPEARING TARGETS.
Petards were always fired at any new target, both as it appeared and also a few seconds after. The moving targets, both cavalry and infantry, also fired them just previous to, and when they began to move ; and orders were issued that, whenever any petards were noticed, fire was to be at once turned on to that target. ‘The system worked well, and even when the petards had to be supplemented by orders, they were of great use in enabling the Battery Commander to quickly find the new target.
In one series a target of kneeling dummies appeared on the left flank as the battery was on the move. When it appeared, some batteries» were in column of sections, most of them wheeled towards the target and came into action front, others wheeled away and came into action rear. ‘This latter was generally considered best ; it was quicker, and had the further advantage that, should any of the horses be struck, the limbers would not prevent fire being opened ; to do it, however, re- quires practice, because, undoubtedly, one’s natural inclination is to wheel up.
A few batteries even preferred coming into action rear on ordinary - occasions. ‘I'his preference is partly due, I think, to the time limit. For with action rear the first gun is, as a rule, got off slightly quicker, because Nos. 1, 2 and 8 can go on with the laying while 4 and 5 are strugeling with the magazines ; but with action front they can do little until 4 and 5, having got rid of the magazines, have come to the wheels.
On the other hand, the great essentials of dressing and intervals, with action rear, are rarely so good, and this difficulty, in the judg- ment of most, more than over-balanced the slight advantage of a quicker first gun.
HicHELON AND Movine Targurts.
An echelon series, very similar to the trial two fired last year, formed part of the battery service. The target consisted of three sets of 15 standing dummies (each in line), and three sets of 15 kneeling dummies. They were supposed to represent advancing infantry, and were placed in echelon at different intervals, the farthest at about 2200, and the
6 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894.
nearest 700 yards. The battery fired for four minutes at the furthest, and three minutes at each of the others.
The average results in the 19 minutes were :—Rounds fired, 60:2 ; hits, 81 ; dummies disabled, 32°3; but the chief interest lies in the various methods adopted for attacking such a target. Although, per- haps, hardly a service target, it was generally considered a good one, since it required quickness, and shewed if a battery could adapt itself to novel conditions.
The following three methods were employed :—
1, Telling off a ranging section and keeping the other four guns for time shrapnel, in a very similar manner to that laid down for an advancing target.
2. Ranging on the farthest, in the usual manner, and then keep- ing up ordinary fire, and when the change of target was ordered, simply giving “Change target. Range ——, fuze ——,” and if these were not correct, changing either without interrupting “ ordinary fire.”
3. Very similar to the second, but using “ rapid fire, by sections,” in place of ordinary fire.
The first system appeared to answer well provided there was no hitch, but if anything went wrong, such as a ranging gun being out of action for a short time, the whole battery was liable to be upset.
The second method was, by almost universal opinion, considered the best. It seemed to run smoothest, and casualties hardly affected it; as many rounds were fired as with the others, and better results were obtained.
The third system resulted in uncontrolled and, consequently, unaimed fire, and great waste of ammunition.
A slow-moving target, advancing from about 2000 to 1000 yards, was tried for the first time at Okehampton. Although the ground had pre- viously been considered too rough, it worked well, and only two runs were spoilt by the rope being cut. Next year there will be a better target, running on rails down hill. Whe series was to range on a column, distant about 2100 yards, and then, as soon as ordinary fire was reached, the moving target, placed about 50 yards to the flank of the column, started off, firing petards as it began to move, in order to draw attention to it. It advanced at a walk for about 900 yards, the average time it was moving being about 10 minutes. The number of rounds fired at it in the time varied from six to 41, the average being 23.
Some Battery Commanders adopted the system of a ranging section, whilst others tried ordinary fire round the battery, dropping range and fuze as the target advanced.
Failure in the ranging section system was generally due to the delays caused by :—
1. Not giving the order for the time sections soon enough.
2. Changing the fuzes of the second and third rounds after they were already set.
3. Not setting the second and third fuzes at the limber.
4. Ranging section not giving sufficient deflection to ensure the rounds being to windward.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 7
The result of the first was that the order for ‘rapid fire’? came be- fore the sections were ready, consequently, after the order had been given, there was a long pause before a gun fired. This pause led to the second error, for the Battery Commander, seeing the target advanc- ing all this time, and thinking it was getting ahead of the battery, would alter the range and fuze for the second and third rounds, and the re-setting of the fuzes caused a yet greater delay.
The necessity, when firing at a moving target, of not giving orders too quickly one after the other, or altering those once given, was very evident. Perhaps an actual example will explain better. Say the rang- ing section is at 1800 yards, giving a minus, and the remainder loaded and laid at 1750 yards, fuze 8, and two shell ready at fuze 73, 74: the Battery Commander fires another round and obtains a plus, and at once orders ‘‘ Three rounds, rapid fire.” The first four rounds all burst on graze, shewing fuze 8 to be too long. One’s inclination is to order the other fuzes to be shortened, and should one do so the delay caused by altering them will probably allow the target to get inside the range; further, the torrent of new orders upsets the battery. In such a case it appears better not to attempt to alter the fuzes, but let them be fired, they will act on graze and do some damage, and the next batch can be ordered shorter.
The third reason, z.e., limber numbers not setting fuzes, was perhaps the most frequent. When fuzes were set at the limber the system worked well; thus, one battery took only 50 seconds to fire its first set of rapid fire (two rounds a gun), and 1 minute 30 seconds for the next (this time three rounds a gun).
The fourth cause led to many ranging rounds being lost, and was lable to throw out the Battery Commander.
The other system, a kind of ordinary fire through the battery, was very similar to that described for the echelon target. The following modification appeared to give the best results: On the change to mov- ing target being ordered, the Battery Commander gave “ Range —— slow fire,” and fired until he had roughly fixed its position, and then started ordinary fire. The fire was from the right. After No. 4 had fired, the Commanding Officer gave new length of fuze to right section, and after No. 6 had fired, gave final elevation. You willsee that it is not exactly ordinary fire, for the right section waited to load until they received a new fuze. Also, the centre and left Section Commanders made a drop in range and fuze, on their own account, from that ordered for the right section. The centre giving 25 yards less eleva- tion and ¢ fuze; the left 50 yards and 4 fuze. It is considerably simpler than it appears from the explanation, and it certainly worked well, and at ranges when observation is easy, say under 1800 yards, would probably give a more effective fire than with a ranging section. At longer ranges the latter is probably better, as it fixes the position of the target with greater accuracy.
A great deal of time was often taken up changing from the standing to the moving target. The latter, although it fired petards both before and after starting, was certainly hard to see; but even after the layers had made it out, there was often a further delay, generally caused by in-
8 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894.
decision as to what was to be done with shell in the guns at the time the change was made, and many batteries did not get fairly started at the target until it had completed almost half its run. The quickest change was made in 80 seconds, and was by a battery employing the ordinary fire method, and it certainly is one of the advantages of that method, that the change is easier and quicker.
RancGina.
The system of ranging by echelon, or ladder of distances, again cropped up and was tried on several occasions, with almost invariably bad results. Thus, on one occasion the Commanding Officer mis- judged the range, about 2100 yards, by over 400 yards, and used eight ranging rounds before obtaining a plus, whereas with the ordinary method he would probably only have needed half as many. It ap- pears to me that quickness in ranging for elevation at short ranges should be gained more by quickness on the part of the Battery Com- mander in making up his mind and giving orders for the next round at once, than by an elaborate special system that is liable to collapse should anything unforseen occur. Almost always, at short ranges, glasses can be dispensed with, this alone will save 10 or 20 seconds a round. Again, ranging to 25 yards is not required before going to fuze, at so short a range there is little difficulty in working both to- gether. Some Battery Commanders gave three lengths of fuze as suggested last year, and it again appeared to work well; some even attempted it at long ranges, but at these I hardly think it succeeded.
The judgment of distances was often at fault, and how difficult it is to estimate even a short range, 700 to 1200 yards, was conclusively shewn by the three series fired at those ranges. It was rarely that the first elevation was within 300 yards, on some occasions not within 700. Another thing noticed at short ranges was that the fuzes almost in- variably were very short, this was especially the case when firing down hill, most batteries having them from 150 to 200 yards short.
FIRE FROM UNDER COVER.
The fire from under cover was hardly so successful as that of last year. ‘The position was certainly a more difficult one, for it required very careful reconnoitring to get the battery well covered from the enemy’s view. Insufficient reconnoitring and moving the layers out too soon generally ended in extra delay; it saved time in the end to thoroughly reconnoitre the whole front to be occupied before calling out the layers, for when once the latter are out any change is sure to lead to confusion.
The actual time taken planting pickets varied from two to nearly 14 minutes, and was quickest in those batteries whose layers planted their pickets as at drill. The Commanding Officer pointing out the position of a front flank picket and the other layers simply extending from it. Done this way, from two to three minutes is ample time in which to plant them. It also saves time if Section Commanders re- main out and superintend the planting of the pickets, only returning to the battery when the layers are in position.
Another difficulty of the position was, that the guns were often on
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 9
considerably different levels, and this not being noticed led to difficulty in ranging. Hven when noticed it is hard to correct, especially with our present clinometer. The correction for each section has practically to be guessed, some idea of it may, perhaps, be ascertained from the range-finder’s range in combination with the rule of one minute giving an inch in each 100 yards; or roughly, 10 minutes will give the cor- rection for the same number of feet that there are 100 of yards in range. The difficulty, however, of remembering such rules and figures would, I think, induce one to evade rather than overcome the trouble. Thus, if the slope is from a flank, one could range with the centre sec- tion, and then on opening ordinary fire the section on one flank would shoot long and that on the other short, the mean trajectory being cor- rect. Or again, as actually happened, a cross-fire may attain the desired object if the target is inclined to the line of fire. Another difficulty that cropped up was that of deflection. It being sometimes forgotten that after the first general deflection for wind the Battery Commander must order it for dividual guns according to the result of their fire, since the pickets may be wrong and Section Commanders cannot see the target. He can either order the actual deflection him- self, thus “ No. 2 gun 10 minutes more deflection right,” or else can call out “last round 20 feet to left,’ and leave the Section Commander to give the necessary correction.
RESULTS.
The results are arranged in as nearly as possible the same form as those of last year, but even so, afford small basis for comparison on account of the different nature and positions of the targets used.
As to the artillery target, it is the first time for some years that so short a range, 2000 yards, has been used. The results are rather dis- appointing, for the difference seems to have led to no increased effect. The guns were placed just short of rather a flat crest, the background was dark, and made the target difficult to see, only about three guns on one flank being at all clear. They were first placed so that the ground line of Holstock, where the bateries come into action, could just be seen, but when placed thus, it was found they could not be seen from Holstock except with glasses, and then only with difficulty, they were therefore run forward until about the upper half could be seen. It would be rather interesting to let them fire petards every 30 seconds and try a series at them as at first placed.
Two series were fired under conditions suggested by officers of the other arms. Both were arranged with a view to seeing the depth covered by shrapnel bullets.
In the first series the targets consisted of four lines covering one another at 300 yards distance. The first line contained 50 kneeling dummies, the second and third 50 standing, and the fourth 20 Hessians. The battery began on the third, then changed to the second and then the front, firing for five minutes at each. The average effect of two batteries was fourth line, 40°5 hits 19 Hessians; third line, 157 hits on 36°5 dummies; second line, 107 hits on 37 dummies; first line, 38°5 hits on 19°5 dummies. In this series the effect due to the depth is
2
10 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894,
only shewn by the results being greater than the average results at single targets. The other series shewed them better, for the bat- tery only fired at the front line. The target consisted of three lines, first, 90 kneeling dummies; second, 70 standing dummies; third, 24 Hessians. The distance between the first and second was 200, and be- between the second and third nearly 300 yards. The time taken was nine minutes 40 seconds, during which 56 rounds were fired.
The effects, first line, 827 on 84; second line, 82 on 44; 38rd line, 22 on 13, were good, and the results on the second and third lines are all fairly due to the depth of the shrapnel and not to exceptional rounds, because in the whole series no time shell and only two percus- sion burst beyond the front line.
CoMPETITIVE.
The change from the column to a 4-gun battery for the first series seemed popular. From the results it appears as though four marks per dummy was hardly sufficient to put the series as regards marks on an equality with the second and third. Taking Okehampton, Glen- beigh and Shoebury (87 batteries), the average marks obtained were in the first series 38°6 ; in the second, 63:1; and in the third, 60; from which it seems as though six for each dummy disabled in the first series would be a better proportion.
Only 12 batteries out of 45 fired the whole of the rounds, so that the time seems about correct. Perhaps a better distribution would be to give eight minutes for the first, seven for the second, and six for the third, so as to lay more stress on accuracy at the long range, and ra- pidity at the short. Almost everyone was unanimous in wanting the fire discipline marks kept up. If anyone still had any doubt on this point, the result of dropping them in India should convince him.
For instance, Colonel Ward in his report states that he found batteries “ holding up the trails and lowering them together ;” similarly, Colonel Tyler after giving examples, states: “No check is placed on plans and devices which may be introduced at the will of the Commander. Opinions were much more divided as to the necessity of keeping up the qualifymg marks for firing, and it certainly seems hard that batteries at Okehampton and Lydd should have to obtain the same number as those at Glenbeigh, Shoebury and Morecambe, which are admittedly easier ranges for effect. It appears as though each station should have its qualifying minimum, or else it might be done away with and batteries take places 1, 2, 3, &c., at each camp.
There seemed also a desire to have the Competitive extend over the whole Service practice. It would of course tend to eliminate the luck, still I think one would have too much Competitive. Perhaps the most feasible suggestion in this direction was, to have the Competitive, much as it is at present, and to add the effects only, of one or two days’ Service practice, settled on by each Camp Commandant. Its chief objection is that, when there is only a time limit and no fire discipline murks as a check, hurried fire and great waste of ammunition often spring up, the fire being conducted on the principle that if you only get off enough something must hit.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 11
HiQUIPMENT,
The sight graduations and clamps were as usual the cause of many errors. A sight marked in hundreds and fifties, from 1400 to 2000 ; and in twenty-five yards at longer ranges, was tried; the fifties being represented by a short line and the twenty-fives by a dot; although the figures are rather crowded owing to the short radius, they appeared better liked than the old one.
The greater number of errors in the laying examination were caused by the sight slipping when putting it into the gun. Perhaps a ratchet sight, somewhat similar to that on the quick-firer, might be tried ; or, if this is considered too complicated, a better clamp. A plain nut that screwed up the sight in a somewhat similar manner to the nut on a hammer-vice might answer.
It also seems desirable that the sight should be strong enough to stand being left in the gun when fired ; for even with the greatest care such a thing may happen, and a bent sight seems a heavy penalty.
Some batteries had the clamp altered so as to use a Mark I. sight in a Mark II. carriage. This rather complicates matters, for although it makes the sight correct for the yard scale, it throws out the degree scale and makes the tangent sight and Scott’s sight disagree. Thus, a Battery Commander using the tangent scale employs a Mark I. range- table, whereas when he uses a Scott sight he must employ a Mark II. table. It would obviate all these difficulties if all sights were made like those for heavy guns, the yard scale being on a slip that can be changed should the carriage or charge be altered.
The mekometer was again liked ; one Battery Commander considered it more reliable to accept the mekometer range than to determine it by T scale laying, and said he would have no hesitation in accept- ing its range when under 2000 yards and opening with time shrapnel at once, at longer ranges only using a very few ranging shots. Personally, I disagree with this, and think the results hardly justify it. Several series were spoilt owing to Battery Commanders dis- trusting their own observations and believing the range-finders. On service also the range-finders would probably be oftener wrong, even the mild excitement of the Competitive apparently upset them. In the first series there were six out of 15 cases in which the range-finder was not within 50 yards of the true gun range. In the second series eight out of 15, and in the third four out of 11: a total of 18 out of 41, equal to 43°9 per cent. ; applying the same test to the elevation fired at (i.e. range as found by observation) the figures are first series, three; second, two; third, one; or only 13°3 per cent. These figures so astonished me that I thought they must be wrong, and I therefore went through all the Service practice 1894 and Competitive 1893, the latter gave 87°5 for range-finder and 5:7 for observation, whilst the Service practice, ex- cluding Competitive, gave 32°7 for range-finder and 24 for observation. Although, of course, these figures are by no means conclusive, they all point the same way.
The results of observation would, I think, shew up even better if one could get over the dislike of calling rounds doubtful. In look- ing through almost any practice report one finds more wrong than
12 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894.
doubtful observations. In some ranging series I have seen four wrong out of six rounds and yet no doubtful; with such a large propor- tion wrong, some must have been doubtful, and it would have been better to have classed them as such and repeated. A doubtful round entails only the loss of one round, whereas a wrong observation generally leads to several being lost. This same difficulty occurs in India, thus Colonel Murdoch in his report on Muridki says: “ Wrong observation was the most frequent fault; it must, at the same time, be admitted that the observation at Muridki is particularly difficult. A fault in obser- vation that was noticed frequently was declaring a round plus or minus when it was doubtful. Of course such a round should be recorded as ‘not observed’ and be repeated even more than once if necessary.”
HWXPERIMENTS.
The Ordnance Committee have kindly allowed me to give the following notes of the experiments carried out at Okehampton this season.
The Q/2-guns and equipment were again used by “ P” Battery, and were much liked by all who saw them, and it has, I believe, been definitely decided on for the Horse Artillery. The twist of rifling is to be further tested. Experiments so far appear to show that the lesser twist, 1/35, gives a closer pattern (the 1/28 covering about ten feet more at 75 yards burst), but the shell is not so well centred, and it is doubtful if the accuracy is sufficient to ensure good ranging. ‘lhe tubes were of a different pattern to those tried last year, and gave no trouble.
Much interest was also taken in the trial of the 15-lb. shell carried out by the 75th Battery.
The charge was 153 oz. cordite, giving a muzzle velocity of 1550 f.s.
A radial vent was employed, and the tubes were almost identical to those used with the Q/2, and appeared very satisfactory.
The shell has a base burster of 14 oz., and contains 216 bullets.
Mark I. carriages were used, they were fitted with steel pockets, one on each side, to carry two fuzed shells and two cartridges, the two weighing | qr. 16 lbs.
The service limbers and wagons were employed, the boxes being altered to carry fuzed 15-lb. shell and cordite. The number of rounds carried being as at present. I am unable to give the exact weight behind the team, but it is approximately the same as with 12-lb. shells. The weight gained by the use of cordite being about equal to the extra weight of shell, tubes and steel pockets. ‘Two of the guns were fitted with wheels similar to those on the Q/2 equipment, and they seemed to answer well. Should they be adopted there would be a gain of about 1 cwt.
Two experiments were carried out to test the smoke-giving properties of shrapnel and ring shell. In the first, service shrapnel, shrapnel with special fuze, and ring were tried. In the second, shrapnel and ring; these latter were 15-lb. shell, the shrapnel had a base burster of 1} oz., and the ring one of 44 oz. compressed powder down the centre.
In both experiments the shrapnel came out best. It is hard to say why 13 oz. gave more smoke than 44 oz., butit certainly was so, and I can only imagine that the latter was not thoroughly consumed,
Percentage : > Men hit] of targets No. of Hits per 2 iRenioes we per destroyed Remarks. 2 Rounds. Shell *\5 Still per minute in action.
No. of Average time Series. in action.
ARTILLERY IN THE OPEN.
j Okehampton... 0 1893 2845" 24 19°8 6 guns, 3 wagons, and 40 standing
{ On Bluff. ; 3285 24 21°6 . (tuscan
» Yes Tor.
Average of me : 1892 and 1893 2845 to 3320 229
1894, 2085 A, 17°6 g fe ° 6 guns, 6 limbers, and 42 dummies. 1 Blackdown Neck. —
fi 2870 “ “d 2) 6 gans and 3 wagons. n East Mill Tor.
Competitive. 4 gun detachments.
‘ \ 2680 26 dummies.
15 standing. 15 standing.
100 kneeling. ; er ees ee the supports :
81 kneeling dummies in line at 1 pace interval.
STANDING DUMMIES IN LINE.
between groups, 1 pace be-
V2 24°75 | 100°5 34 | 80 dummies in 4 groups, 25 yards tween dummies.
23°7 54:1 25°6
(| 81 standing dummies in line, at 1 pace interval.
13°6 87°2 AVERAGE RESULTS OF BATTERY SERVICE. | 43°7 Wee || : ° 0 49 dummies. 48 jeu ds : 43°67 Including Competitive.
48°2
cover.
§ n if and undey|
Including Competitive.
| Okehampton
Canny Target. Remarks, 2 On Bluff. ims, 3 wagons, and 40 standing u umiies. - w nm “es Lor.
" ins, 6 limbers, and 42 dummies.
" ims and 3 wagons.
apetitive. 4 gun detachments. 26 dummies.
" anding. 15 standing.
y 100 kneeling.
neeling dummies in line at 1 pace interval.
u immies im 4 groups, 25 yards between groups, 1 pace be- tween dummies.
1 anding dummies in line, at 1 pace interval.
immics.
{
i
n Blackdown Neck. — n East Mill Tor.
In one series in 1893 the supports j were kneeling. ;
Including Competitive.
H nf and under
cover.
Including Competitive.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 13
Three clinometers, namely, the Watkin with double drum, the German, and a modified Austrian, made in the Arsenal, were tried, the latter appeared most liked. However, I believe that before a final decision is made, a Scott’s sight, fitted with an adjustable bubble, is to be tested, in the hope that, if successful, it will obviate carrying an extra clinometer. :
Tur Cuarrman—Gentlemen, we have listened with great interest to this lecture, and we shall now be glad if anybody will start a discussion on any points that have occurred to them. There must be many, I am sure, who will be able to give us the benefit of their experience in certain matters.
AVERAGE RESULTS OF COMPETITIVE PRACTICE.
3 2 Rounds. Hits. Marks.
Station & e
practised at. | ‘g s Bee iy piles | 10d dp ae | Wee soo) ie 1) adi | Tae, Okehampton— 4-pun average 4 | 22-5 | 28°22 | 24 12°5 | 49°25 | 58°75 | 86 49°5 | 43 90:5 | 221°5 | 6 on " 11 | 19-63 | 23°36 | 23-81 | 19-09 | 49°54 | 45-9 | 23-09 | 40:9 | 44-45 | 91-54 | 200:27 General 1 15 | 20-4 | 23°33 | 23°36 | 17°38 | 49°46 | 48 26°6 | 43.2 | 44°06 | 91-26 | 205:93 Glenbeigh— 4-pun average 5 |20°6 | 23°8 | 24 31-2 | 157 | 187:6| 51:2 | 82:2 | 73-4 | 93-8 |2963 6 ou " 3 |16°3 | 24 24, 18-6 | 194°3 | 182-3 | 46-6 | 80 72°3 | 946 | 293°6 General 1 8 |19 23°8 | 24 265 | 171 | 13865 |} 49°5 | 81:3 | 71:3 | 94-1 | 295-4 Shoeburyness— 4-gun average 4 /19 23 24 21-2 | 1692 | 102-7 | 42 82°5 | 62 83 269°5 6 + " 12 |19°6 | 22°5 | 22:6 | 81-88 | 122-58) 180°36) 47:3 | 73 72°66 | 89-58 | 282°59 General , 16 | 19°5 | 22°6 | 28 29:1 | 184-2 | 128-4 | 46 75°37 | 70:0 | 87-93 | 279-31 Morecambe— 4-gun average 1 | 24 22 24 29 144 93 64 82 78 96 820 6 un u 2 |23°5 | 23:5 | 24 24-5 | 124 11380 | 88 64 71 94, 267 General 1 3 | 23°6 | 23 24 26 181 |117:6] 46-6 | 70 73°3 | 94°6 | 284-6 | | oe
Lydd— 4-pun average 3) |) alos}. |) 0S} | iB} |) ahs} 39°6 82°6 | 24, 38°66 | 58°66 | 89°66 | 195-0
14 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894,
DISCUSSION.
CotoneL G. H. Marsuatu.—l shall endeavour to make my remarks as brief as possible, because my real object in coming here is to hear what others have to say and to get suggestions for next year; therefore I should like to hear as many suggestions as possible.
Tam very glad that Major Hughes touched on the subject of occupation of positions. Whatever method we adopt, obviously it is of the first importance that we should put our guns in such a position that we can see the target over the sights. In the direct occupation, there was, in many cases, much hesitation on the part of commanders in going forward boldly and taking up a favourable position. I think that a good deal of that is due to the teaching that we have had for many years, and it is hard to get out of it perhaps, that cover was the first consideration. That I think was the teaching, not only in our drill-book but in all drill-books. This is now changed, and we are taught (and I think very rightly) that it is the first consideration to be able to hit the enemy, and that cover is of secondary importance. Another matter which, I think, has influenced com- manders in that respect is, that they have been impressed by the undue importance attached to the effect of modern long range infantry fire on a battery unlimbering. In that connection I think it will be of interest if you will let me read to youa record of some experiments at Glenbeigh this year of long range volley firing at an artillery target. These are not really ‘“‘ Experiences of Okehampton,” but they bear on our experiences there. The strength of the party firing consisted of one officer, three section commanders, and 44 rank and file. The target consisted of a battery of six guns in action, with three wagons, and 40 dummies to represent detachments. In the first series the range was 2515 yards ; the time occupied was 17 minutes 50 seconds ; the number of rounds fired was 459; the effect was mJ, but that I discard, as I do not suppose that the greatest advocate of long range fire would say anything about 2500 yards. The second series was at the same target at 1707 yards, time 13 minutes; 463 rounds were fired; the effect on the target was two hits on two men. ‘The third series was at the same target, range 1730 yards. This was not fired against time ; I presume the time was unlimited. The rounds fired were 439; the effect was nid. In the fourth series the target was an infantry column, 95 dummies; 1750 yards range; no time limit, the rounds fired were 440; there were 30 hits on 80 men. In the fifth series the target was a battery in action of four guns, 27 dummies in the detachments; range 1150 yards; time 15 minutes, 489 rounds; the effect was two hits on two men. In all the series the ranges had been taken before firing commenced. I think that these figures are very interesting. We find that 1830 rounds were fired during the four series (I have left out the 2515 yards series), and that there was practically no effect at all, except at the infantry target. I think, with the lecturer, that we should look from both ends of the range, and I do think that there is a great deal of unnecessary striving for cover from this fire, especially when we find, as the figures tell us, that there is practically no effect.
It is very satisfactory to notice that all the changes which have been made recently, and that are impending in tactics, in drill, and in equipment, are in the direction of simplicity; all field artillery are agreed that, especially in equipment, you must have simplicity. We are within measurable distance, as regards equip- ment, of having only one projectile (the shrapnel), only one fuze, the shell carried fuzed in the limbers, only one enumeration for everything (in yards), and a very simple and very efficient shoe-brake. I think that with such simplification we may look forward to great improvement in the rate of fire, and in our fire effect, and I hope, at the same time, that we shall keep up the very high standard of fire discipline that we already possess.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 15
CotoneL E. A. Oxtivant—TI think I must have been the officer referred to by Major Hughes, as the one who used mounted orderlies at Brigade Service Practice. If so, I should like to say that in addition to mounted orderlies, each battery had a dismounted orderly in rear of the Battery Commander, so as to avoid any mounted orderly coming into the firing line; and I think that that adds materially to the advantages of having mounted orderlies.
I think that at Okehampton some Battery Commanders are a little inclined to follow what I may term the letter and not the spirit of the book. One sees officers who, even at short ranges, begin by bringing out their range-takers, and ranging with common shell in precisely the same manner as if they were firing at a long distance target, and this, even at a cavalry target advancing rapidly. That, I think, is due to their going entirely by the letter and not considering the spirit of the book.
Then, as regards casualties, we must all of us recognise the very great importance of practising their replacement. A certain amount of confusion takes place when a casualty occurs at practice, due to a great extent to the fact that the Staff Officer touches the supposed casualty, and says: ‘‘ You are out of action,” and nobody knows that this is the case, it is not sufficiently understood. I cannot help thinking that it would be better if we had some system by which we could label our casualties at the moment, by a red label or other mark, which everybody could see. There was a great tendency this year when the Major was shot for the senior Subaltern to take the command ; nobody ever thought of sending for the Captain, who was in rear. I should like to add one word on the question of sergeants acting as layers at the Competitive Practice. Itappears to me that they have lost a good deal of their interest in laying; now the sergeants have to carry out a considerable part of the instruction in laying, and I think that they might be allowed to lay at one series of the Competitive, which would give them some interest in it. It would be easy enough to keep up the same number of layers, and the chief umpire could choose two out of the three sets when he came on the ground, so that the number of layers would not be diminished, and the sergeants would have a personal interest in the shooting.
Masor H. C. C. D. Stupson—I attended this summer, at Bousson, in the Italian Alps, the Brigade-division practice of three 9-pr batteries of the Italian Mountain Artillery Regiment, and Major Hughes’s statement as to the faultiness of the echelon system of ranging appeared to be fully borne out. Owing to its employment, and the absence of all attempt at verification on the means of the small bracket, the practice throughout, except at a moving target, was very in- different. One point struck me as worth noting, and that was the custom, whenever the targets represented a battery, of firing a succession of petards as denoting at them a hostile battery in action. This made the ranging, when the small bracket was being found, very difficult, owing to the impossibility of distinguishing the bursting shell from the petards being fired on the target em- placement. The guns, on coming into action, were invariably placed under cover, and not run up into position until loaded, which operation was effected very rapidly, owing to the shell being always carried fuzed in the boxes, a detonator merely being dropped into the head of fuze on orders to load being given. The range- finder was rarely used, and when it was, gave most unsatisfactory results. Rate of fire was quicker than ours.
After each series, officers, Nos. 1, and layers fell out for the customary ““palaver”’ on the tactical idea and the shooting, which commenced, first of all, by the remarks of the Battery Commanders (after which Nos. 1 and layers fell in), followed in succession by those of the Major Commanding the Brigade- division, and concluding with the Colonel’s critique.
I had previously attended some mancuvres of an Alpine group in the French
16 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894.
Alps, near Modane, and witnessed a 12-pr. mountain battery of the French artillery working in action at a field-day. They used the clinometer much more than we do, but were very slow entering into action—two minutes—partly owing to the clumsiness of their equipment and packing. ‘They carry all shrapnel with the exception of a few melinite for incendiary purposes.
The advance into action, both by French and Italian batteries, over difficult ground was at a very smart pace, owing to the fine stamp of their pack mules, for which the Governments pay a high price.
Masor J. McDonnetu—I should like to ask the lecturer whether he thinks that anything would be gained by having the ranging rounds laid by an officer, or by a selected layer. At present the Battery Commanders sometimes are entirely thrown out, and start ranging in a wrong direction, through a wrong elevation being put out, or a round being wrongly laid. If the ranging rounds were laid by selected officers, that risk would be somewhat reduced perhaps. I have been asked to ask that question by an officer who is unable to be present.
Caprain E. W. Buunt—l should like to say a word for the poor range-takers. I received a rather unexpected impression of the necessity for their employment at the cavalry manceuvres this year. The ground was very undulating on the Berkshire Downs, and it frequently happened that the Cavalry Commander, intend- ing the collision to take place on a certain point, planted the battery, and for some time there was nothing to shoot at ; we could see for a minute, perhaps, a mass of cavalry, then they disappeared, and there we were waiting with nothing to do. Then the battery range-takers were set to work to take the range of prominent features on their expected line of advance, and when the cavalry appeared again, that gave us some guide as to what range to adopt. The only feasible way of opening an effective fire at all, appeared to be, to do what the lecturer has rather condemned, namely, to guess the range and fuze. The target stays such a very short time in any one spot, that guess-work is the only way of competing with it, and judgment, assisted by a range-finder, is very much better than unaided guess- work.
Masor EH. 8. May--I should like to ask Major Hughes a question on one small point. On page 8 of the lecture, he speaks almost always of short ranges and so on. He says: “ At so short a range there is little difficulty in working both together.” What range does he refer to as ‘‘so short a range ?”
Masor A. J. Hucues—About 1200 or 1000 yards.
Masor H. 8. May—Then on page 10 I do not think we are given the range at which these experiments were carried out against the dummies in position, where the results were so good.
Masor A. J. Hueuns—lI may answer at once that the range of the first line was from 800 to 900 yards.
Masor EH. 8S. May—Then, again, 1 think it would be interesting if Colonel Ollivant were to tell us something more about the mounted orderlies, where they came from and how they were trained ? I think it is a matter that interests us all very much. We all see the desirability of efficient mounted orderlies, or agents de liaison, as the French term them, but the difficulty is where we are to get them, and how we are to train them.
CotoneL EH. A. Outivant—I am afraid the mounted orderlies were not trained before the Brigade-division came to Okehampton, and one had simply to take any sparemen. ‘The peace establishment of a field battery does not allow one to have permanent mounted orderlies. The only thing that can be done with field batteries is to take any odd men who may be available. The orderlies stand dis- mounted a few yards in rear of the Commanding Officer, one of them mounts
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 17
when called by the Adjutant and gallops along the rear of the line to whatever battery the order is for.
Cotonet G. H. MarsHatt—Did you not always have one orderly from each battery, so that each one knew where to go to ?
CotoneL H, A. OLLIVANT—Yes, the ‘orderly always went to his own battery, unless it so happened that I wanted to send two messengers too quickly, one after the other.
Masor E. O. Hay—Gveat efforts have been made during the last year or two to train signallers, and I wanted to ask some one from Okehampton, perhaps the lecturer will tell us, what use was made of battery signallers, and with what result.
Masor W. N. LLoyp—We should be glad to have Colonel Marshall’s opinion on the ‘‘ deliberate” method. I feel that it is treason to say anything against it, especially as it commends itself to us in peace manceuvres, by reducing the con- fusion of a battery coming into action toa minimum. But as a method to be practised on active service it is not sound, and does not commend itself to me. Let us for a moment soar above the usual three batteries which we are accustomed to play with; let us imagine we have twenty batteries on active service about to come into position by the “deliberate” method. What happens? First of all we have a staff of officers reconnoitring the ground, followed by twenty Majors and range-takers, then come 60 Lieutenants with 120 layers, making in allan army of over 300 men.
In the jirst battle of a campaign, the enemy might possibly permit this manceuvre to go unmolested, but having taken in the meaning of it, all subsequent attempts at the “ deliberate’? method would meet with a warm reception. Again, we cannot always expect to find a position ‘sufficiently clear to enable us to lay out our layers deliberately for this method, troops will surely be moving into battle, or to take up their positions which would cause confusion. I wish to draw your attention to the fact that it is not a method in my opinion which would be employed once in fifty times on actual war service, and that we make an error in employing it so frequently in peace time.
We want rapidity of movement in coming into position 49 times out of 50. We want to seize quickly opportunities which may offer themselves from time to time; and I feel convinced that too much use of the “ deliberate? method is not a step in the right direction.
CotoneL G, H. Marsyatt—I do not know why Major LLoyd should father the “deliberate” method upon me, because it existed long before the present drill-book was introduced. As a matter of fact I rather agree with Major LLoyd. The conditions under which the “deliberate ’’ method should be used are very fully laid down in the drill-book. I cannot exactly remember them word for word, but I think the following condition must exist : There must be a preparatory position close to the firing position ; there must be cover, surprise to the enemy must be possible, and the range must be long. If you take the drill-book con- ditions you will find that the occasions for the employment of the “deliberate” method are rare, and there is no doubt that in many cases officers do not quite appreciate this. At Okehampton they very often used the “deliberate” method when surprise was not possible, owing generally to the nature of the ground. I certainly do not approve of the use of the “ deliberate” method, unless the con- ditions as laid down in the drill-book can be obtained.
Masor E. 8. May—I am afraid I may be opening up rather a difficult subject, but in using the direct method, would you usually take guns slightly down the slope, or would you strive to keep them on the reverse side of the hill or crest ? I ask the question because I have heard gunners often unfavourably criticised at
3
18 OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894,
manceuvres, by officers belonging to other arms, for apparently exposing guns and wagons unnecessarily, by placing them somewhat down the slope. Of course it is impossible to lay down any ruleapplicable to every nature of ground, but, when in a hurry, men are apt to act largely according to habit, and it is as well, there- fore, to medicate some normal method. I should say that, in our service at present, the tendency is to get on top, or in front of, rather than behind the crest.
CotonEL G. H. Marsuaty—tThat is avery large question. I think it is very much a matter of the back-ground, and also the nature of the slope. If you have a very steep slope I should say that it was inadvisable to go down forward into it, because you immediately put yourself into a position to enable the enemy to observe every shell very distinctly. If the slope is a very great one you are rendering his observation of the fire very easy, otherwise I think that the going forward is an advantage.
Tuz CuarrmMan—If no other gentleman desires to speak, I will now ask Major Hughes to reply to the remarks that have been made.
Masor A. J. Wueues—With regard to the questions that have been asked, first with regard to what Colonel Ollivant said about casualties, I should think that some label would be a very good thing. Some Battery Commanders adopted the plan of sitting down, or tumbling down, which seemed to answer well, although perhaps it is not very dignified. With a view of getting more practice in regard to casualties, it has been suggested that the Captain should take one of the Competitive series.
As to the suggestion of sergeants laying in one series of the Competitive, several officers mentioned it to me this year during the practice. The only drawback appears to be, that if you have a battery with five sergeants who are layers, and one who is not, it is rather invidious having the other five out and not him.
With regard to what Major Simpson said, as to petards being fired from the target battery, I hope that next year we may use them inasimilar manner. This year was the first time that they have been tried, and they were not very extensively used.
As to the French using the clinometer more, that also, I think, is rather the tendency with us. Several reports, that have come in, have suggested that more clinometer laying should be done.
As to what Major McDonnell said about the ranging rounds being laid by an officer, I am sorry that some officers, who have had much experience of actual shooting with a battery, have not given us their opinion; but to me it appears that it would be rather slow. I believe it is done abroad. I saw in some book that in Germany, when the target is difficult to see, one man goes down and lays all the guns for the first round. In such a case, i myself, should prefer each layer to use the clinometer for elevation, direction being given from the end of the handspike.
With regard to what Captain Blunt said as to range-finding, I did not mean to disparage the 1ange-takers. Certainly, on occasions with a quick target or anything like that, one must accept their range at once. But what I more especially intended to point out was, that with a standing target, like an artillery one, at a long range you must range on it, and only use the range-finder’s range as a guide for the first shot.
With regard to what Major May said as to the firing at short ranges and being able to work the range and the fuze together, that was rather with regard to the three series fired at short ranges, which varied from 700 to 1200 yards. I think the nearest was about 700 yards, and the furthest 1150 yards.
As to signallers, I saw very little use of them indeed, except in signalling from the battery. to the range party during the elementary practice, and then they were not very successful.
OKEHAMPTON EXPERIENCES, 1894. 19
I think that is all that there is to answer. Colonel Marshall having already answered Major LLoyd.
Tur CuarrRMAN—Gentlemen, I think there is no doubt that we have run too much in the direction of the “‘ deliberate’? system of taking up positions. I agree with Major LLoyd, and Colonel Marshall bears me out, that there has been a mistake in this way. It is rarely, I should imagine, that one would be able to practice it on service, though it is a good system for occasions, and would be most useful when practicable. I think, that when once you are launched in action, you will, as a rule, have to take up positions rapidly, and take your chance as to cover. Most hunting men, when travelling by train, choose their places in the fences, and get over them very easily and successfully, and I think that, in the same way, useful practice can be had by military men, particularly when riding through a country, if they selected positions for batteries, or troops, and then pro- ceed to test them and see what they turn out to be. No doubt we should often be disappointed, and find that what appeared very promising was not so satisfactory as we had expected, but practice would enable us more readily to fix on positions that were good.
I agree with Colonel Ollivant, as far as my experience goes, that mounted orderlies would in most cases be the best way of conveying messages, a mounted man for each battery, and a dismounted man stationed in rear of each battery, seems to me asystem that ought to work very well.
I was glad to hear from Colonel Marshall that the tendency now is towards simplicity, and to getting one type of everything as far as possible. The case, noticed by the lecturer, of an Officer Commanding a Brigade-division having to give three different settings to as many batteries, must create difficulties and chances of error, and the sooner that sort of thing is done away with the better.
I do not think there is anything else that I can usefully refer to, but I should like, with your approval, to tender a vote of thanks to Major Hughes for the trouble he has taken and for the valuable lecture that he has given us,
Carried with applause,
21
ANCIENT BRITISH ORDNANCE
NOW IN THE \
ARTILLERY MUSEUM, MADRID.
BY
LIEUT.-COLONEL J. C. DALTON (a.p.), R.A.
Durine a recent visit to Spain, I was once again enabled to pay a visit to the Artillery Museum in Madrid, which, as I have before remarked in these pages, contains a splendid collection of ordnance from the earliest times, in addition to a rare assemblage of military models and curiosities of all kinds, both ancient and modern. ‘The collection is contained in one handsome and spacious building, and is under the charge of a director, with a sub-director and staff, who are officers on full-pay of the Spanish Artillery. The Spanish nation is justly proud of their National Military Museum, and no expense and pains are spared to keep it up to date, and worthy of the distinguished corps which is entrusted with its management. On the occasion of this visit, I had the advantage of being personally conducted over the Museum by my old friend Colonel D. Ricardo Vidal, now employed in the Spanish War Office, but who, until recently, was himself in charge of the Museum. I therefore saw the collection under exceptional advantages. Colonel Vidal pointed out to me, amongst other objects, a very handsome bronze gun, made in England in the reign of Hdward VI., and on my evincing great interest in this and in other ancient pieces of British ordnance, he most kindly offered to let me have a descriptive list of the English ordnance in the Museum. I have since received from him the promised list, a translation and brief explanation of which, I venture to think, cannot fail to be of considerable historical interest to the British Artillerist.
1. The oldest Hnglish piece appears to be that to which I have already alluded, and which figures in the Madrid catalogue under the number 3937, and is thus described :—
18-pr. demi-cannon, made in the form of a culverin. The exterior is partly twisted and bears in relief on the first reinforce a scorpion, below which is the following inscription :—
“QVI VITAM, QVI FORTVNAS AMISERAT OMNES LEGVM HT JVDICIO JAM PERITVRVS HRAT EDVARDI SEXTI NVNC MVNERE VIVIT ET ILLI POST SVMMVM GRATES DEBET HABERE DEVM.”
Below this, and in larger letters one reads :—
“ Robert and John Owin, bretherin, made this pece, anno 1551,’
1, vou. xxII,
22 ANCIENT BRITISH ORDNANCE.
The gun is of bronze, ig 14™ (54") calibre, and 342° (11’ 24”) length of bore. It has no dolphins. It is not known how this piece came into the possession of Spain.
Major H. C. L. Holden, R.A., has kindly supplied me with both a literal and a rhythmical translation of the inscription on this gun, as follows :—
“One who had forfeited life and all his fortune by legal verdict, and was on the point of being put to death, is now, by the boon of Hdward the Sixth, alive, and to him, after the Great God, is bound to owe thanks.”
or,
“ A luckless wight his fortune lost, Condemned by law to die ; Now lives to thank his king on earth, Next to his God on high.”
The latin inscription on the gun which, in the original, is somewhat apbreviated after the fashion of the day is, as will be seen, in hexameters and pentameters.
Iwas much struck with the beautiful workmanship and excellent state of preservation of this gun which, like many of our own old and interesting pieces of ordnance, is at present, lying outin the open air.!
2. No. 3799 in the Spanish catalogue, isa Falconet, the breech slot of which is closed by an iron wedge (or vent-piece containing the chamber). On the upper side, between the trunnions, it bears the
monogram . Inthe chamber there are two similar stamps Sez XR R
and vay On the chase is engraved the weight, 107 lbs., and on
the breech, the weight of the breech closing wedge (or vent-piece), viz.: 22 lbs. 8 ozs.
This piece is of bronze, its calibre is 88"" (2°67), and its length 97™ (38:18"). It was captured from the Cochin Chinese, in the time of Isabel II. of Spain. I presume that this piece dates from the reign of William and Mary, 1688.’
1 The gunfounders, Robert and John Owen (see ‘‘ Proceedings,” R.A.I., Vol. II, p. 156), lived in A.D. 1538, and are thus mentioned by Stowe :—‘ About the latter part of the reign of Henry VILI., three brethren that were gunfounders, surnamed Owens, got ground there (in Houndsditch) to build upon, and to inclose for casting of brass ordnance. These occupied a good part of the street on the field side.”’ ine ‘ j
In the above quoted number of the “‘ Proceedings,” Lieut. Edgar, R.A., describes the old guns in the R.M. Repository, Woolwich, and amongst them there are several pieces made in the reign of Henry VIII. and in that of Edward V1., but none of them exactly correspond with the gun we are describing. ‘‘ Tomas Owen” (the third of the Owen brethren) is mentioned as maker of a fawcon of Edward VI., in 1560, and Robert and John Owen, a brass facone in 1549, but a much smaller piece than that now at Madrid, which was made two years later. The inscrip- tions on the two pieces are very much alike.
In Cleveland’s notes (‘‘ Proceedings,” Vol. II, p. 850) we find, ‘‘ John Owen, gunfounder,” mentioned in the list of Edward VI. Artillery, as receiving 12d. per diem, in A.D. 1548.
21 saw a similar piece to this in each of the Artillery Museums at Stockholm and Christiania this year. That at the latter place is a particularly good specimen. The breech-piece (or vent- piece) is hollowed out to take the charge, it is lifted into and out of the slot in the breech by a handle.
ANCIENT BRITISH ORDNANCE. iy
3. No. 1286 in the catalogue. Bronze mortar of 938™ (3:°65") calibre, with a chamber in shape of a truncated cone (the lesser end being so small that the chamber is almost conical). The thickness of metal is very slight. From the appearance of the bed it is on, it would appear to be in all probability a naval piece. The mortar bed has an eye on the fore-part to hook on to a pin-tail, and an apparatus, the chief feature of which is a toothed arc, by which elevation or depression can be given to the mortar. ‘The fact that the weightis engraved near the vent as 0. 1. 6.4 (? 1 cwt. 6 1b. 4.028.) would seem to point to its being English or Dutch, but whence it came is not known.!
4. Nos. 39380 and 5748. Two bronze guns of 15:5: (6:1") calibre, and 312™ (10' 2°8”) length of bore. The weight engraved on the chase is 55. 2. 13 on one piece, and 56. 0.9 onthe other. On the first reinforce is the following inscription :—
“ By the Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Goodricke,? Knt. and Bart., Lieut.-Genl. and the rest of the principal officers of their Majties Ordnance. Guli- elmus et Maria Mag., Brit. Fran et Hib Rew et Regina Anno Regni tertio.”
On the second reinforce a G and M intertwined, surmounted by the Royal Crown. The vent is of iron. It isnot known whence these guns were obtained.®
5. No, 3144. English service 12-pr. howitzer, cast in 1827. The British Legion, which fought for Isabella II. in the civil war, had a complete battery of four 6-pr. guns and two 12-pr. howitzers. This piece is supposed to be one |elonging to this battery.
6. No. 3635, Cast-iron gun of 14° (54") calibre. On the chase hoop there is the number XJ; on the first reinforce XVI. Il. 0; on the near trunnion 1775, and on the off trunnion VB. This gun was captured from the Moors at Tetuan.
7. Nos. 8935 and 3936. Two cast-iron guns 14° (54”) calibre. The off trunnion has on it /86P; the near one “ Carron 1809 ;” on the first reinforce the cipher GA and 3 intertwined, surmounted by the Royal Crown and the A\. ‘hese guns are supposed to be relics of the Penin- sular War.
8. No. 3380. Carronade. On the breech is “ 18P Carron 1805.” It also dates from the Peninsular War.
9. Nos.land2. Two cast-iron guns of 14°" (54") calibre. On the near trunnion the word solid, on the off, B. Near the vent 41. 8. 24; between the trunnions a monogram of the letters G.R. 3, surmounted
1 There does not seem to be any satisfactory evidence to point towards this mortar being English. In Lieut. Hdgar’s paper, in Vol. IT of the “Proceedings,” R.A.L., p. 186, there are briefly described two small Dutch brass mortars chambered, somewhere about the size of this: also on page 168 there is a description of a “ sort of mortar (brass)”’ of about this size, which is. English.
? We find frequent mention of Sir H. Goodricke (Goodriche) in Cleveland’s MS., in the reign of Wilham and Mary. According to Kane’s list he was made Lieut.-General of the Ordnance on 26th Apyril, 1688, and probably continued so until 1702. =
§ There is in the Tower of London a brass 18’ mortar with an inscription on it identical with the above, except that the piece was made one year later. (Hdgar’s paper, p. 194).
94, ANCIENT BRITISH ORDNANCE.
by the Royal Crown. These pieces were captured from the natives in the island of Jolo (Phillippines) in 1851.
10. Nos. 8891 to 8895. Five English service 54" howitzers, cast in 1794 and 1804.
Il. Nos. 5372, 3857, 8858. Three English service 42" howitzers, cast in 1807 and 1808.
12. Nos. 8938 to 3941. Four English service guns, medium 8-prs., cast in 1807. :
13. Nos. 3656, 3853, 3855. Three English service light 3-prs., cast in 1807 and 1808.
14, No. 8148. English service 9-pr., castin 1811. 1t is supposed that all the above numbers, 10 to 14, date from the Peninsular War.
15. No. 8561. English service heavy 6-pr. In the year 1855, this gun was discovered buried on the field of Talavera. It was cast in 1796, and bears an indentation on the breech from having been struck by a shot.
16. No.3660. English bronze mortar of 22°™ (8°6”) calibre. Above the vent is the inscription “Raby & Co., fecit 1771.” Above this again is the monogram G.f. 3, with the Royal Crown. Its weight is given as 4N 20.
17. No. 8689. Bronze mortar 3i™ (12°2”) calibre, with a cylindrical chamber, similar to No. 16. Copper vent. An inscription, in Spanish, states: “ This sacred Mortar was made in London by order of Sidi Mohamed ben Abdallah, Sultan of Algarves. May God protect him! Fort Surah (Mogador) year 1184, (A.D. 1770).” ts weight, as en- graved onit, is 4850 Ibs. Both these mortars (16 and 17) were captured from the Moors at Tetuan.
18. No. 3631. Another bronze mortor, taken in Tetuan, of 82™ (12°6") calibre, and with cylindrical chamber. There are two dolphins, also a Royal Coat of Arms, with the mottoes “ Diew et mon droit” and “ Honma soit qui mal y pense.” Above is a war trophy with the words, “Tria guncta in uno” and “A Rege et Victoria.” On the breech is “ W. Bowen, fecit 1764. 251A 14.” .
19. Nos. 8639 and 3640. Two bronze guns of 10°6™ (41") calibre, and 282™ (91:2) length of bore. On the first reinforce there is the following Arabic inscription, “ By calling on God, victory follows. This is a present made to the Sultan Mohamed ben Abdallah ben Ismael the blessed, defender and pacifier of the Algarves, from the Great Monarch of England, France, Ireland and Scotland, George LLI., the thunderbolt of war. Year 1183 (A.D.1769).” Onthe breech there is another inscrip- tion which reads, “ In the pious name of the God of piety. There 1s only one God, the eternal, the just. He who shall be chosen and aided by Him will rejoice in Heaven and on Harth. There is no power nor strength but of God.” Both pieces are handsomely chased and engraved with military trophies, palms, scrolis, &. They were captured at Tetuan in 1860.
ANCIENT BRITISH ORDNANCE. Zo)
There are, therefore, 34 English pieces of ordnance at Madrid, as above described, besides several minor pieces of later date such as Whitworth and other mountain guns, taken from the Carlists at various times, which it is not necessary to describe.
So far as I could ascertain, many of these pieces have been left behind in the Peninsula by the English during the numerous campaigns which England has waged in that country, others have been captured by Spain in her wars in Marocco, Phillippines, Cochin China, &c., from the natives. Some were presentation pieces, as will be seen, others were probably bought or exchanged by the countries in question. There were none, as far as I could see, of which there was any evidence to show that they had been captured by Spain from England. It would, however, be very interesting to know how the oldest pieces here described came to find a home in Spain; and especially to know under what circumstancs, and by whom the inscription on the gun described here as No. 1 was made. Perhaps some of the readers of this paper may be able to throw light on the matter.
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27
RECORD TARGETS:
BEING A SHORT DESCRIPTION OF THOSE NOW IN USE AND A COMPARISON OF THEIR MERITS.
BY
CAPTAIN P. HE. GRAY, R.A.
Ir is not many years since Garrison Artillery practice was, by all ranks, regarded as an objectless, perfunctory annual duty. It took place under what are, to our ideas, the very reverse of service conditions, and con- sisted of a number of rounds, fired off at an anchored barrel, each gun-captain or No. 1 correcting his shooting from his own observation, or by the advice of his Divisional Subaltern Officer.
The ultimate object of the whole practice was attained when the barrel gracefully went to pieces to a well-directed shot.
The Commanding Officer of a battery usually undertook the duty of judging the Rights and Lefts.
The results of each round were signalled up from the range-party, firing ceasing to allow this to be done.
The more barrels that were expended, the better was the practice. Instruction was comprehended in the destruction of as many barrels as possible.
The idea of carrying out annual practice on a recognised scheme, directing the fire of a fort by the orders and will of one officer, who would observe and correct the shooting for himself, and on his own judgment ; who would hold the fire of his command, as it were, in the hollow of his hand ; in short, the instant, quiet, and effective application of what we now call Fire Discipline in Coast Defence, was not even thought of.
There were thoughtful officers of Garrison Artillery, no doubt, who remarked, after a more than usually impressive display, at the expense of the long-suffering barrels with their flags, that, though magnificent, it was scarcely an example of Service Practice; for what enemy would ever stand still and allow himself to be shot to pieces, unless his ship was sinking ?
A naval officer would hardly attempt a regular artillery duel with forts, by anchoring his own ships and giving the enemy every possible chance against him. The practice at anchored targets was no doubt excellent as a means of testing the eyesight of layers; and by way of accustoming the detachments to concussion and noise, it was every- thing that could be desired; but, as a preparation for attack by an enemy’s enterprising and swiftly moving ships, cruisers, and torpedo- boats, endeavouring to run past with an ulterior object in view, the practical instruction of the annual practice was nil.
il, WOln xorar,
Hong Hong target.
Portsmouth target.
28 RECORD TARGETS.
So, grew up, tentatively at first, more rapidly as its vast importance became recognised, that branch of applied gunnery which is known as Coast Defence; and in its train came into being, as necessary adjuncts, specialist gun-layers, depression range-finders and their uniform and effective use, groups and group differences, Commanding Officer’s ob- servation and corrections, moving targets, schemes of practice, strict Fire Discipline, and Record targets.
Record targets are designed to represent actual ships, and to travel at a fair rate of speed.
The forerunner of the Record target was the single or double Hong Kong, which is still far the best bad-weather target we have. It is cheap, handy, and extremely light. Used singly it represents any desired position of a ship, usually the bow, and hits are counted as the shots fall within given limits, laterally, and in range.
It is usually taken to represent the bow water-line, because layers are instructed to invariably aim at that point. If the Fire Commander knows that this is being done consistently, he can himself then correct, with confidence, to bring the shots to any desired point of impact.
Two Hong Kong targets, connected by a tow-rope, represent the length of a supposed ship. All shots, within limits, falling between the two are counted as hits.
The objections to the Hong Kong are its small size, which renders it difficult to see at long ranges, the impossibility of its recording effective hits, for if it represents the bow water-line—a shot through would be far less effective than one 50 feet astern of the target. It is also liable to tow under, nose-first, when turning, and in rough weather, owing to weight of tow-rope. This may be prevented by using an ordinary square cork buoy, made fast to the tow-rope between target and tug.
Dismissing, then, the Hong Kong, useful and seaworthy as it is, we come to Record targets proper, which are required to fulfil the follow- ing conditions, or as many of them as possible :—
(1.) Visibility at long and short ranges. (2.) Hvery hit to be recorded.
(8.) Strength.
(4.) Seaworthiness.
(5.) Lightness in towing.
(6.) Cheapness, in first cost and repair. (7.) Durability.
One of the first was known as the Portsmouth pattern target. It was a long, narrow boat-shaped body, having an iron centre-board keel at the stern, and a superstructure of light iron masts and tape lattice-work. Its length was over 60 feet, its breadth at water-line about 8 feet, and its height 12 feet. It towed remarkably well, but was very heavy, very expensive, and could be dismantled by one or two
lucky shots.
Tt was cut clean in two at Plymouth by a shot at water-line; and the bow portion was used for some time alone, until it was again cut in half by a similar shot.
RECORD ‘TARGETS. 29
A target called the Devonport or Richardson pattern was then in- vented.
It was designed to illustrate the breadth, as well as the height and length of a war-ship, and to offer the same target area when not exactly broadside-on to the battery.
It was built in such a manner that no one shot could pass through it without leaving a record; but no single shot could do any extensive damage.
Light wooden cross-pieces and lathing were built up upon two keels, 12 feet apart. These were fitted with bags of cork chips to give the necessary buoyancy.
The structure resembled the frame of a house-roof, was made of the lightest deal scantling, and from the ridge-pole hung “chicks” or curtains of laths, strung on tape, which could be rolled up when not required. The length of target was 40 feet, its height above water- line 12 feet when new, but as the cork bags became water-logged, it sank deeper.
An end view of this target was somewhat as follows :—
DEVONPORT OR RICHARDSON TARGET.
AA = Cork Bags. B = Cross-piece. Cie Chicks
It was cheap and easy to build, and at first it answered well, but as the cork bags became thoroughly soaked, the cross-pieces B, of which there were 10, entered the water, and the resistance they offered was so great that towing at a fair rate of speed was out of the question.
The original target was found to be too unwieldy in one piece, and a second pattern was designed, in two sections, connected by lashing and stays. This was rather handier, and the sections could be used separ- ately in very rough weather.
The great objection to this target altogether was its difficulty in tow- ing, on account of the cross-pieces, which difficulty has been overcome in the target known as the “Improved Richardson 1893 pattern.” Major-General Richardson so far altered the design of his first targets that the cross-pieces should be well clear of the water.
The cork bags also offered considerable resistance, and these were very ingeniously disposed of, by making each keel double and stowing
Devonport
or Richardson target.
Richardson, improved, 1893 pattern,
gs of cork chips, the ends of each
RECORD TARGETS.
keel being built into a cut-water.
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RECORD TARGETS. 31
The cut-water at either end was continued up to a height of 6 feet, with a similar upright in the centre of each keel. These uprights formed the main supports of the structure. Cross-pieces at their tops connected them, and also at a height of 6 feet 6 inches from the bottom of keels. In addition to these, there were four uprights from each keel connected by cross-pieces and forming knees at a height of 6 feet 6 inches. The whole of these frames were constructed of deal scant- ling, 6 to 9 inches by 14 inch.
Upon the floats themselves was built up a framework, covered with tarred canvas, stretched down to the tops of floats, and from each projecting end depended a “chick ” of laths and stout twine.
The extreme length of target, including “ chicks,’ was 36 feet; the canvas roof being 20 feet long, each top corner painted white. The target area for fire effect was 432 square feet. The keels or floats being 3 feet in depth, and the cross-pieces connecting the uprights being 6 feet 6 inches from the bottoms, all parts, except those running in the direction of movement, were at least 3 feet clear of the water—a very great advantage.
This target is cheap, seaworthy, and tows lightly, It records every hit, and can be severely punished before it becomes disabled.
The Mitchell pattern target consists of a pair of long, narrow boats, placed parallel, and 10 feet apart. They are divided into water-tight compartments, and are covered in with tarred canvas. Its particular feature is the steering apparatus, which is ingenious.
At the stern of each boat is a rudder, whose tiller is connected to the bridle by yoke-lines—the two tillers are connected by an iron rod. The bridle runs freely through a rounded wooden float, to which is fastened the tow-rope. As the tow-rope veers, the float slides, carrying with it one or other yoke-line, thus steering the target into the wake of the towing steamer.
The superstructure, resting on wooden cross-pieces, about 14 by 8 inches, of deal, and on edge, consists of light wooden masts, carrying a lattice-work of cotton webbing.
The tops of masts are ornamented with small flags. The length of target is 36 feet, and height above water-line is 12 feet.
MITCHELL TARGET.
Zetia
ree Oa a errr x — WATER LINE .—=
= — = = =
A A = Tillers. B B = Yoke-lines,
The above is a rough hand sketch only, and is not drawn to scale. | This target answers fairly well as a record of hits, but has the fail-
Mitchell pattern.
The Ryder Target.
BO RECORD TARGETS.
ing, common to all webbing targets, that a shot may carry away a mast, and with it the whole of the webbing “ bay,” making an aper- ture through which subsequent shots may pass, leaving no record. of perforation. It is also awkward to hoist in and out of the water with- out straining.
The writer has seen a single shot, ’twixt wind and water, completely wreck this target.
The boats, if perforated, are certain to settle down, which brings the cross-pieces into the water, and makes the target most difficult to tow.
Wooden buoys are provided to place at intervals along the tow-rope. They make it awkward to handle, and have not been used at this station as it 1s often an advantage to allow the rope to sink a few feet, and so permit a fishing boat to cross between the launch and target.
The Ryder pattern target is cheap and simple in construction.
It consists of two long, narrow rafts of flat timber, pointed at the ends, and connected by flat wooden cross-pieces. It is in two sections, fastened together by chains and lashing.
The superstructure is of the usual lattice webbing type, supported on eight wooden masts and iron rods.
It tows well and easily, and its being in two sections gives elasticity, and flexibility in riding over heavy seas.
Its greatest disadvantage is, that a single shot cutting the two centre masts will cause the whole two sections of webbing at the centre to collapse.
A direct hit on water-line, also, cuts cleanly through the rafts, al- most invariably through both, as has happened more than once this season at Plymouth. Its length is 36 feet, and height above water- line is 12 feet.
The annexed rough hand sketch is not drawn to scale.
THE RIDER TARGET.
In presenting the above notes, the writer puts them forward with no claim to originality, the details of these and other Coast Artillery targets being, no doubt, well known to Garrison Artillery officers.
He presents, however, the foregoing short description of those Record targets now in use, in the hope that it may not be uninteresting to some officers who have not had the same opportunities of seeing them used and comparing their points.
The late Commandant of the School of Gunnery, Major-General
RECORD TARGETS. 30
Richardson, laid down as his opinion, that the use of Record targets, which Coast Artillery should be encouraged to hit, is the best training for actual warfare, when every hit can alone be effective, and every miss but serve to encourage an enterprising enemy.
On one occasion only has the writer seen the Richardson target dis- abled. It was struck 8 times in 12 rounds, being hit repeatedly on the angles of cross-pieces, and having the ridge twice cut through. The sea was rough, and it was blowing a whole gale of wind in squalls; the target gradually opened out, collapsed and turned over, the only portion which was saved being the two floats.
It was as severe a test, from wind, waves and fire effect, as could possibly occur to any target. Its final disappearance was almost inevit- able, and few targets could have lived as long under the circumstances.
An indestructible Record target remains still to be invented.
s
ID) IE AN EY) NE
OF
JAMPAIGNS IN THE PENINSULA, FOR THE YEARS 1811, 12, AND 43,
BY
LIEUTENANT WILLIAM SWABEY,
AN OFFICER OF
“aan Hb IES © I=
(PRESENT ‘“‘E” BatrERy),
ROYAL HORSE ARTILLERY.
EDITED BY
COLONEL F. A. WHINYATHS, late R.H.A.
INTRODUCTION.
TuE favourable reception accorded to the recently published “Diary of a
Cavalry Officer,” induces the belief that the narrative of his services during the - campaign in the Peninsula, under Lord Wellington, by Lieutenant W. Swabey, Royal Horse Artillery, may be found equally instructive and entertaining.
Through the kindness of Lady Bowman, daughter of Lieutenant Swabey, who served in “EH” Troop from 1807 to 1820, I have been lent and authorised to arrange for publication, the diary kept by her father during a portion of his ser- vice in the Peninsula. It embraces the period between July, 1811, and August, 1813.
Lieutenant Swabey, in after years, appears to have written his reminiscences of some of the events in which he was concerned, adding amusing accounts of adventures not touched on in his diary ; I have introduced these in their chrono- logical order, placing them between brackets, so that the recollections of later years may not be confused with the daily record.
For the better comprehension of the narrative, I have divided it into separate parts and chapters, prefacing each part with a brief outline of the general military situation at the time, as gathered from the Wellington despatches, Napier’s history,
1, Vol, XXII,
36 SWABEY DIARY.
and other authorities, and have appended footnotes explanatory of the history and services of officers incidentally mentioned in Lieutenant Swabey’s pages. A summary of the principal events of his life has been kindly sent me by his son, the Rey. Maurice Swabey, and is as follows :—
William Swabey was born in Doctors Commons, London, on the 13th of June, 1789. He was the third and youngest son of Maurice Swabey, of Langley Marish, Bucks, D.C.L., Fellow of the College of Advocates, and Chancellor of the Diocese of Rochester. His early education was received at Westminster School and the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. On the 1st of July, 1806, at the age of 16 years, he received a commission in the Royal Regiment of Artillery, and, in 1807, was present with Captain Cockburn’s No. 7 Company, 1st Battalion, in the land force which co-operated with Admiral Lord Gambier at the bombardment of Copenhagen. He was ordered in July, 1811, to the Peninsula, with “E” Troop, R.H.A., and served in it during a considerable portion of the war. He was severely wounded at the battle of Vitoria and invalided home, but rejoined the army before the close of the war. He was present at the battle of Toulouse, and, marching through France to Calais, returned home in 1814 with the troop, which the following year he accompanied to Belgium and was with in the retreat from Quatre Bras, and at the battle of Waterloo. He received the Peninsular and Waterloo medals. Shortly after promotion to the rank of 2nd Captain, he retired, in March, 1825, from the service and settled down in Buckinghamshire, where he became J.P. and D.L., and captain of a troop of Bucks Yeomanry Cavalry.
In 1840, he emigrated with nearly all his family to Prince Edward’s Island, of which his friend, Sir Charles Fitzroy (an old Waterloo officer), was then Lieut.- Governor. Captain Swabey continued in the colony till 1861, and developed such capacity for the management of public affairs that he became, successively, a member of Her Majesty’s Legislative and Executive Councils, Registrar of Deeds, Commissioner of Crown lands, and member of the Board of Education, besides undertaking latterly the duties of Lieut.-Colonel and Adjutant-General of the local Militia. It is scarcely too much to say that the Statute book of the Island is full of useful measures which he either initiated or promoted in his adopted home. When the Prince of Wales visited the Colony in 1860, Colonel Swabey was one of the two Military Aides-de-Camp to the Lieut.-Governor, who received from his Royal Highness’s own hand a fine portrait of himself, in recognition of their services. Colonel Swabey was entertained at a public banquet in the Colony and presented with a flattering address, signed by the heads of departments and many other prominent inhabitants, on his return to England in 1861. He was also allowed to retain for life the prefix of “Honourable,” which was a privilege limited to those members of Council who (prior to the Union, about 1867, of the North American Colonies) had received their appointments under the sign manual of Her Majesty the Queen.
Captain Swabey married, in 1820, Marianne, third daughter of Edward Hobson, of Somerly, Hants, and Hope Hall, Lancashire, Esquire, and had a family of eleven children. He died on the 6th of February, 1872, having, towards the close of his life, resided for some years at Wavenden House, Bucks, a county endeared to him by family ties and early associations. :
A few words as to “Ei” Troop, R.H.A., may not be amiss here. It was formed on the Ist of November, 1794, and in 1811 was stationed at Christchurch, under the command of Captain Robert Macdonald, in July of that year it was ordered on its first active service, and embarked at Portsmouth to join the army under
SWABEY DIARY. 37
Lord Wellington in the Peninsula. The establishment was as follows :—2nd Captain Thomas Dyneley, Lieutenants Robert Newland, Robert Harding, and William Swabey, Assistant-Surgeon A. Macdonald, M.D., 164 non-commissioned officers and men,! with 175 horses. The armament was light 6-pr. guns.
In 1816, after the termination of the long continental wars, various reductions and changes took place in the Royal Artillery, and “Ei”? Troop became “ D,” when the troop that had hitherto been so-named was reduced. It retained this letter till a reorganization in 1859, called the Brigade System, changed the designation of all units in the Regiment ; further alterations followed, until at the present time, Ist of January, 1895, it exists as “EH” Battery, Royal Horse Artillery, com- manded by Major J. McDonnell,
Jevedagll! Jl
Tae Larter Periop of THE CamparGn oF 1811, rocgeTHER WITH THE 38RD SIEGE or Bapasos.
Summary of the Peninsular Campaign, from September, 1811, to April, 1812.
It was at the latter end of September, 1811, that “H” Troop joined Lord Wellington’s army, which then lay in the vicinity of Ciudad Rodrigo, for the reduction of which place secret preparations had long been in progress. ‘T'he French army under Marmont lay at Salamanca, and it was from this point that interruption was principally to be appre- hended. But in December the welcome news arrived that Marmont had detached three of his division to assist Marshal Suchet before Valencia, and the favourable opportunity for commencing operations was at once seized. The siege was begun on the 8th of January, 1812, and on the 19th Ciudad Rodrigo was carried by storm.
This successful attack was followed by the yet more daring attempt in the south, to reduce Badajos. By a rapid movement, therefore, the main body of the army crossed the Tagus at Villa Velha, and marched on Hlvas. Soult, on learning this, advanced towards Badajos, upon which Generals Hill and Graham were pushed forward to oppose him. As on the previous occasion at Rodrigo, the siege was hurried on, ground was broken on the 17th of March, and to the mortifi- cation of Marshal Soult, who was within two marches and ready to fight an action for its relief, Badajos was taken on the 6th of April. On the news of its fall, he at once returned to Seville, which in his absence had been blockaded by a Spanish force.
A few days after these events, Lord Wellington heard that Marmont was committing great depredations in the northern provinces of Portugal, he, therefore, at once marched back with the bulk of the army. ‘The French, who had been stoutly withstood by the Portuguese Militia, on his approach withdrew from Portugal.
12 Staff-Sergeants, 3 Sergeants, 7 rank and file non-commissioned officers, 7 artificers, 1 trum- peter, 84 gunners, and 60 drivers.
38 SWABEY DIARY.
IME vd ay) SS,
Cuaprter I.
Voyage to Portugal. Sacavem. Some account of Lisbon. Changes in troop equipment.
July 27th, 1811.—Having been on board the Benjamin and Mary, transport “ K.I.,”1 since July the 38rd, we sailed from Stokes Bay under convoy of the Mercur y, Captain Tancock, and the Hawke, brig, Hon?! Captain Gordon, but our wind failing us we came to ananchor in Yar- mouth Roads, much to our disappointment. As we lay here the beauty of the coast of the Isle of Wight and of Hampshire, might have pleased the imagination at any other time, but served now only to remind us of the happy scenes we had left, a thought which not all the air y dreams of glory could extinguish.
28th July.—Passed without any of ‘ihe ceremonies ae Telieions The cruelty of the foul wind still occupied our thoughts, and the surrounding scenes, with the ball-room at Lymington, so often the scene of eae actually in view, awakened the same ideas as yesterday.
29th July.—Weighed anchor in company with the Quebec and West India convoy with a fair wind. Passed through the Needles with eyes fixed for a last view on the various well-known spots of Christchurch and its vicinity, where lived those particular friends whose society had always so great a charm for me, and the remembrance of past pleasant days formed a melancholy barrier against the high spirits I might otherwise have felt at the prospect of a favourable passage. 0
30th July.—We found in the morning that our progress during the night had been rapid, and we now saw the coast of Devonshire, at too great a distance, however, to discern its romantic beauties. ‘Towards mid-day our wind failed, and left us to the tossing of the waves, many of the people in consequence of the motion were sick. If this is * soothing with its lullaby,” I hope lullaby will be good enough to leave me to the chance of my own slumbers. I, however, felt no inclination to be sick. Towards night the breeze, still fair, freshened, and we saw the last of England. I should not omit that I hemmed the whole side of a silk handkerchief to-day, and that we dined off two mackerel that we had previously caught with our lines.
31st July.—We had a fair breeze during the aight Bat fe dle again saw us becalmed with the same swell as yesterday acting as a stomachic. I begun now to regret that my stock of books was gone
1 Compared with the merchant vessel of the present day, ships of this period were very small. *¢ Those trading ’’ between Great Britain and the United States averaged from 200 to 250 tons ; those to the West Indies and the Baltic about 250; to Germany, to Italy, and the Western Medi- terranean, 150 ; to the Levant, 250 to 300, with some of 500 tons. The Hast India Company’s ships were larger, © averaging 500 tons 3” (Mahan, “ Influence of Sea Power, 1793 to 1812,”’ page 225, Vol. 11). Transports for carrying troops on the expeditions at the beginning of the century were of the former class, usually under 250 tons, and consequently very numerous. In the official lists they were always quoted with their tonnage, ads so to avoid confusion, were mostly distin- guished by letters in preference to numbers.—F'.A
SWABEY DIARY. 39
through whilst we lay at Stokes Bay. I amused myself, however, by making up silk handkerchiefs. The calm continuing in the evening, we began to apprehend a tedious passage. . . . . . .
Ist August.-—-This day passed with the usual sameness on board ship, ib began, however, to get rough, and the wind blew from an unfavour- able quarter. We spoke a convoy from Lisbon, who informed us that the armies had gone into cantonments, an unpleasant piece of news, as we now suppose operations are concluded for the present. Wind to- wards evening still more foul. We were to-day under the necessity of giving up tea because the water was bad. The Sergeant-Major re- ported many sick, and almost all squeamish; little burgoo! eaten DUMONT WIN, 6 6 6 so 6 6 6 0 6 5 6
2nd August.—A great deal of motion this morning, with a contrary wind, and we found on getting up that the Commodore had made the signal for putting about and retracing our steps to Falmouth, a very mortifying sort of business.
“But, hark! the signal bids us trace again
Our steps to England, and the adverse wind,
Controlling e’en the mighty-swelling main, Compels once more the nearest port to find.
Thus ’tis in life, few certain blessings shine, And those but rarely, fully, understood.
Oh man! in vain thy choice, thy best design Vain, as the Bark opposing Nature’s flood.”
We now sail at nine knots an hour, and arrived off the romantic coast, near Falmouth, at 7 o’clock a.m. As we looked from the sea, Pendennis Castle, on an elevated promontory, commanded the harbour. A fort below it, some height above the water’s edge, with one on the opposite side, facing each other, command the entrance. The appear- ance of the cliffs is black, with ravines in every direction ; the crops at this time of the year, various in colour, alone bespeak it an English coast. In several places on each side of the harbour the sea runs beautifully between the hills and forms various lakes. Altogether, it is as striking a scene as I ever beheld, and though not wild enough for Swiss or American scenery, it partakes of their beauties in a more polished form. As the Trusty, Captain Macdonald’s transport, was bringing to, a Bombardier Cochrane, being on the anchor, unfor- tunately fell over and was drowned. He swam for some time, but the ship being under weigh, a boat could not be lowered with snfficient expedition. ‘This poor fellow’s fate is the more to be lamented as he had recently purchased his discharge, but on hearing the troop was for service, immediately joined us again ; as a soldier, he is a great loss.
3rd August.—Remained on board, not being able to procure a boat, though we much wanted to get some fresh meat. The funeral of poor Cochrane took place at Falmouth Church to-day, we attribute his death to the erroneous way of treating him when taken out of the water. The men who were in the boat held him up with his head down for the water
1 Burgoo, a kind of oatmeal pudding, or thick gruel, used by seamen.—F.4. 17.
40 SWABEY DIARY.
to run out, the most effectual method of smothering, perhaps, ever con- trived.t This observation is worth recording, as the hurry of people in their charitable endeavours is very often a bar to their reasoning on the best way of making them effectual. Sergeant Wightman,’ who was very active in getting ready and in lowering the boat, was so haunted by the scene that in the night, fancying himself still in it, he was seen pulling in his cot, and calling to everybody to pull. . . . . .
4th August—This morning went on shore to Falmouth. I was much disappointed on nearer acquaintance. Its white, or rather brown, brick houses, and the fact of its being built on the side of the hill, had given it from the ships a too favourable appearance, for its streets are both narrow and dirty. I should say, however, that for poultry and all sea stock, particularly goats, it is the best and cheapest place I ever heard of. I walked up to Pendennis which commands a noble prospect of the sea, and opposite, the old castle and village of St. Mawes and the surrounding country. There appear to be few gentlemen’s seats in this part of Cornwall. Pendennis Castle is famous for its having suc- cessfully opposed Oliver Cromwell, for which service some of the neighbouring Cornish boroughs received their charters, and elective franchises. It appears, however, that the safety of the garrison was owing more to a singular accident than to their resolution, for, having dispaired of holding out longer, they were preparing to retreat to their boats on the sea side, and out of bravado flung over the walls two
1Tt is a common and time-honoured practice among sailors to this day, to hang a half-drowned man up by his heels. —F.4.W.
2Sergeant James Wightman was a very gallant soldier, and hada distinguished career. He entered the R.H.A. in 1797, went with ‘‘H’’ Troop to the Peninsula and was present at Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Salamanca, (where he laid the gun which wounded Marshal Marmont just before the battle), and at Vitoria. In June, 1818, he was promoted Sergeant-Major to “FF”? Troop, and was present at Nivelle, Nive, St. Sebastian, as well as many minor affairs during the war. At St. Jean de Luz he was wounded in the left leg, and specially mentioned on the occasion by Major Webber Smith, R.H.A. He received the Peninsular medal and 7 clasps.
Sergeant-Major Wightman, who was a disciplinarian, was with his troop at Waterloo, and lost his right arm by a cannon shot. It is related that on this occasion one of the men exclaimed, ‘«* D—n that marksman,” for which language he was tried by a court-martial, but was forgiven, as he pleaded that he used it hastily in his sorrow at seeing the Sergeant-Major wounded. Wight- man, when taken to the rear, underwent amputation of his arm at the same time and place as Lord Anglesea his leg, who never afterwards forgot him.
Though a one-armed man, he was eventually appointed Brigade-Sergeant-Major, R.H.A. Lieut.-Colonel Sir Augustus Frazer commanding, and who presented him with a sword, saying, “che preferred him to any other N.-C. officer.”” Wightman was both a good equestrian and swords- man, he was an excellent fencer, and at stick and basket few could beat him, and he assisted to bring out the new sword-exercise of that day, at which time, with other picked mounted men, he attended the riding establishment then at Pimlico, and also Angelo’s fencing-rooms in London. In 1821, he was mainly instrumental in getting up a gymnasium and small sword school in aroom over the stables, near the Riding-house at Woolwich. This may be said to have been the parent of the present gymnasium establishment in that Garrison.
Wightman was appointed a Lieutenant of Invalid Artillery in 1825, and as Quarter-Master, R.A., accompanied the expedition to Portugal in 1827. He was appointed, in 1848, a Military Knight of Windsor, where the same year he died and was buried.
He had a son who died as a Staff-Sergeant, R.H.A., and another who for many years served as an officer in the 11th Hussars. Jieutenant Wightman had also two grandsons, who served in the Crimean War—one, in the Scots Greys, died of cholera ; the other, in the 17» Lancers, was wounded and taken prisoner in the Light Cavalry charge at Balaclava, and who wrot in 1892, in the May number of the Nineteenth Century Magazine, a very graphic description of his experiences on that day.
tt November, 1891, a picture (now inthe R.A. Institution), taken in 1821, of James Wightman when Brigade-Sergeant-Major, R.H.A., riding a horse that was at Waterloo, was presented to officers of the Royal Artillery by his son, Major J. T. Wightman, late 11‘ Hussars.—From Record of Service and family papers,
SWABEY DIARY. 4]
quarters of beef. The besiegers had supposed them to be nearly starved, as in fact they were, for this was all the provision they had ; but now, believing their supplies were good, immediately raised the siege. This story I take to be traditional. As to the present import- ance of the Castle, it is a good defence against the entrance of hostile shipping, for it has on its works, as nearly as I can remember, having no memorandum book, 20 long, heavy 24-prs., four ditto carronades, and three 42-pr. carronades. There is below, a fort mounting nine 24-prs., which faces the fort of St. Mawes on the opposite side. In the present improved state of military knowledge, the Castle would be an easy conquest from the land, as the ditch from its narrowness, and the fact of its being dry, might be easily passed by escalade, and could from the nature and rapid fall of the ground be approached nearly under cover. To batter it en bréche would never be attempted, as its great height would render such an attack useless. It might, therefore, be tenable with a good garrison well provisioned: its intention at this present time is, of course, to keep off invading ships . . . .
5th August.—Still a foul wind. Went on shore, hired a horse and rode to see one of the copper mines not more than eight miles distant from Falmouth. The way was hilly and the roads rocky and bad, the country, however, extremely wild and beautiful; and as we rode along we several times had occasion to say “ Well, the views at least recom- pense us for our trouble if the mines will not.” We passed no gentlemen’s seats worth remembering, and there appeared to be few large farms—at least, few houses I should think suitable for a dignified gentleman of that classif nearer London. The face of the country was fertile, and though covered with rocks and large pieces of stone, was not stony, and the soil was rich. There is much slate and many quarries. The names of the places are all Welsh. The people here, as at Fal- mouth, are uncommonly ugly, and the cottages mean and wretched. They carry their geese, etc. to market on a pack-horse. On our arrival at the mines, through a village called “ Comfort,” I suppose to express the delightful insides of the houses, we found a captain of the mine, an intelligent man, who was to be our bear leader.
The first operation was to strip entirely, and put on a flannel dress and pair of shoes for the expedition. We then descended, carrying candles in our hands, by a perpendicular ladder through a hole just big enough to admit our bodies upright.
This was the shaft of the steam-engine, which is the largest but one in England, its force being 500 horses, with a 63-inch cylinder; it raises the water from a depth of 70 fathoms, and has several stages to facilitate repairs in this length. When we arrived at this level we descended by a rope, about 30 feet lower, into an excavation little bigger than our bodies, from which some of the copper ore was being dug. We then branched off into some of the road drifts or passages driven to cross the veins of ore above the water-level. They are scarcely high enough to stand upright in, and in several places we
fo}
1 Pendennis Castle, which was built by Henry VIII., was besieged by the Parliamentary troops under General Fairfax, in 1646, and taken after a siege of several months —F.4.W.
6
42, SWABEY DIARY.
crawled on our hands and knees. The whole sight of a copper mine consists in these passages, there being no large excavations as in coal and other mines. From three adits! in various places there are holes to the surface of the ground, through which whims or windlasses, worked by two horses, lower alternately two baskets capable of containing each 3 cwt. of ore, which is thus got rid of when dry. The deepest adit of the mine is 140 fathoms, and extends, from a centre about a mile, every way. ‘The engine raises a hogshead of water at every second or vibra- tion. In the adits, and in the descent by the steam-engine, the damp drops on you like rain, and in several places you have to walk through channels that convey the water, which runs very rapidly and is up to your knees, from different parts to the engine. Owing to this perpetual damp and the stagnation of air, miners are consumptive, and, as they told me with great coolness, few live to more than 40 years old ; occasionally the damp? strikes and immediately kills them, if it does not actually do So, it incapacitates the person from holding on to the pump-rods? in the descents, when they fall to the bottom, and their fate is inevitable death. I had been led to suppose that miners were the most uncouth wretches on earth: these were not so, and in general the Cornish tongue appeared to have less of the provincial than is usual in distant counties. The namesare certainly original. The great curiosity of the mine was the steam-engine, which is certainly one of the most wonder- ful products of mechanical knowledge, in the rest I was disappointed.
The mine is called the “ United Mine,” and was worked constantly for 80 years, then closed for nine, and was re-opened two years ago. Its return is £5000 per month; much money is sunk however, in clear- ing the water; till that is effected it cannot be so profitable. It employs 3800 people; when the water is gone they tell you it will employ 5000. ‘The men work only six hours a day, that being as much as the constitution can bear.
We had excellent hacks from Falmouth. The party consisted of the two Lyon’s, Taylor, and myself, and the day passed pleasantly enough ; indeed, it was a sort of release from prison. We got to Falmouth for supper at 10 o’clock. The time passed so quickly at the mines that, though intending to be back to dinner, we stayed there till half-past eight ; we all brought specimens of the different ores. ‘Tin is likewise found. ‘The metal is not prepared here, but sent by land to some place, of which I forget the name, in South Wales.
[When we left Hampshire a gentleman, about my own age, attached himself to us as a volunteer. Alas! poor fellow. Having run through a handsome fortune, he has been long dead. He was a gallant spirit ; his father used to say that there was nothing by day or by night that
1 Adit, the opening by which a mine is entered, or by which water or ore is carried away.— EALW=s 2 The carbonic acid gas which is present in all mines.—F'.A.WV.
3 The pump-rods in Cornwall are fitted with standing boards, and_a man going down steps off the pump-rod at the bottom of the stroke on to a fixed stage, where he stands till the up-stroke is completed, he then steps on to the rod and descends with it to the next stage, and so on till he reaches the bottom ; it will be understood that if the damp or gas does not suffocate, it may render a man incapable of maintaining his hold, when he falls to the bottom and is killed.—F.4.W.
SWABEY DIARY. 43
he and I were not ready to undertake. He would run all over the rig- ging with the sailors, and he maintained (he was an excellent scholar as well as a Brasen-nose man) sometimes very strange opinions con- — cerning various things. I do not know now whether he supported his opinions mathematically or no. He would have it that a man could get his whole body through any place into which he could put his head. To illustrate this, we persuaded him to put his head into a round hole in the upper bulwarks of the transport, designed for some 8-pr. swivels ; this he did with good success, but not finding the diameter of his head equal to that of his body, he could get no further, and strange to say, he could not get back again, for his nose was compressed as he went through, but could not be brought to consent to his return, and there he might have remained, ever and anon swallowing a briny draught as the vessel stooped to leeward and threw up the foaming spray, had not he been most scientifically sawn out by the ship’s carpenter, but not till he had undergone a salutary lesson in patience, and promised all the engagements which the man chose to exact from him !
It was rather singular that he was not the only volunteer with us. Two gentlemen, brothers, with whom I had been at school, and who had an intimate friend amongst us likewise, came to Lisbon, intending to accompany our steps. The eldest went out of his mind, and the younger one got him back to England as soon as he could. It was thought well to let the latter follow his.own bent, and a commission was procured for him in a Dragoon regiment. The very first skirmish the poor fellow was present at, only a few days after joining the regiment, he was killed! I have often thought his friends owed us little grati- tude, though they always took a lively interest ever after in our concerns. |
6th August.—We were obliged to remain on board all day again for want of a boat. Harding, and Bridges,? who was on his way to Cadiz in the Royal Yeoman, the very transport I sailed in down the river from Copenhagen, dined withus . .. .
7th August.—We went to Falmouth this day, where we met Captain Deacon of the Hast Kent, formerly of the 1st Battalion, R.A. We dined ENS: LOANS ja, Bt eed bh eice- ier hie el ox eee ae Ma lee tS wishes Ph
Sth August.—-Dined on board “‘8.K.,” Dyneley on shore.
Ith August.—Left Falmouth early this morning. In getting under weigh, being to windward of No. 15 transport, we ran foul of her and carried away her quarter-piece and sprung her mizzen-mast. She, how- ever, put to sea. We lay-to off the harbour for some hours for the rest of the fleet to come out, wind N.W. and very rough: though not dangerous, the motion was very unpleasant, and the noise kept me awake the greater part of the night; we found we were ourselves the only landsmen not sick. N.B.—Wrote a letter to Maurice, but having no pilot could not send it. The Fame, brig, in which my horses are em-
? William J. Lyon was appointed a Cornet in the 14th Light Dragoons on the 23rd April, 1812. He was killed in an engagement near Lembege, in the south of France, on the 18th March, 1814.
2 Lieutenant HE. J. Bridges, R.A.
44, SWABEY DIARY.
barked, sprang a leak at sea before we put back to Falmouth, which detained us from sailing once before when the wind was fair. j
10th August.—To-day we were obliged to breakfast on deck, holding fast by the ropes, and nothing would stand on the table at dinner. Newland having been in bed all day, we attempted to dine in the cabin. The first ceremony was that the whole dinner, with the two servants and myself, went bodily to leeward on the floor. I kept fast hold of a chicken by the leg, and we fell-to without knives and forks! Newland all the time in his cot. I think I have not laughed so much since I left Christchurch. Being at sea in such weather is to some people perfect misery, but a little difficulty is always to me more seasonable than a life of ease, unless I can choose how to pass it. Every soul was desperately sick, except ourselves and Sutton!—so much so, that Bur- goo was not cooked, the men had not stomach to eat it. We waived tea this evening, not because we were not hungry, but because the kettle got upset in the caboose and put the fire out. . . . .
11th August.—The night passed in rolling and pitching in a violent manner, in the morning the wind was more moderate, and towards evening became almost calm, so we began to doubt the quickness of our passage, with the expectation of which we had hitherto consoled ourselves. A brig, one of the convoy, had her main-top-gallant-mast carried away this morning. . ... . 0
I2th August.—A dead calm, which is not the pleasantest state of weather for impatient people. In the evening, being near the Trusty, rowed to her in the boat and drank tea: found even that bold cam- paigner, the Doctor, had been sick. Whilst we were there we saw large shoals of a small sort of fish jump, or rather fly, out of the water, pur- sued by some larger species. We took them, from the length of their erial excursions, to be flying-fish, but the sailors, though mclined to think the same, called them ‘‘skipjack.” I should not have doubted their being flying-fish, but could perceive no wings. NF Fe se
sth August.—Lay in all the dullness of a calm, not motionless, but without wind. Rowed in the evening to “S.K.” and drank tea, and in the evening took a lesson in surgery, in consequence of young Lyon putting out his shoulder in getting up the rigging; fortunately the Dominique was near, and a surgeon was procured without much diffi- culty.
In the morning read many of Lord Chesterfield’s letters, apropos of which I have only to remark that I am glad my passion for fashionable life, as a pursuit at least, is over, and I am thankful that so much pains was never taken to make me substitute the finesse of a courtier for the more honourable feelings of the heart.
14h August.—Last night a favourable breeze sprang up and we made considerable progress, and so on through the day. We saw at some distance a grampus, but not near enough to give any idea what sort of a gentleman he was.
1 His servant,
SWABEY DIARY. AD5
More of Lord Chesterfield : who would be a courtier must be a de- pendent, flattering knave.
15th August.—We made the thee of Bonen 40a ae rene iid her convoy for Oporto, left us. We now expect to be at Lisbon to- morrow. last night though not so rough certainly produced more motion in the ship than we have yet had ; it blew a complete gale of wind. We were under fore and main topsails all night, and sailed at seven knots.
I read some chapters of the “ World,” which do not go down after the ‘‘ Spectator,” notwithstanding that Lord Chesterfield, Sir H. Wal- pole, and Mr. Jenyns were contributors.
16th August.— Within 100 miles of eben we are teen tne a delayed ; my patience, hitherto pretty submissive, now peat to be consumptive, and I fear is very short-lived. :
7th August.—Still becalmed with varying de Read more of Moore’s “ World,” from a selection of the best papers published by somebody who thought proper to prefix a very pretty frontispiece, and then very wisely to write an anonymous preface, in which he declares himself annotator. How he could suppose himself capable, after draw- ing a foolish frontispiece, in no way emblematical of the subject of the book, of adding his remarks to those of the celebrated authors of these periodical essays, [ am ata loss todivine. Still, as aknowledge of the world is the best ingredient in a compilation of advice for its refor- mation, perhaps his “remarks on life had taught him that there were fools enough who would purchase a book with a pretty engraving to recommend it, and so, on second thoughts, I find no reason to doubt his competency.
18th August.—Beating to windward with an adverse breeze, the last duck slaughtered, and the last ebb of patience gone.
19th August.—Towards night made play with a favourable breeze, hoping to be at Lisbon before September. Read Dryden’s play of “Tove for Love,” Otway’s “ Orphan,’ and ‘ Venice Preserved.” I was disappointed in the first, it is tame of plot and incident, and the language does not compensate for these defects. The tragedies by Otway, as classical productions, are far superior; there is more spirit in the dialogue, and they are better suited for theatrical representation.
20th August. —Sailed on our course with a favourable wind, and saw from the “top” the plains of Vimiera, In the evening saw some flying- fish which, on enquiry, are called Serinas,' and were pursued hy the Bonito.
21st August.—Passed the rocis off Mondego Bay, and came close to the rock of Lisbon, which forms a barrier on the side of Ciutra; there is, however, between it and the city landing space for a large army: great pains have been taken to oppose this by the construction of forts in proper situations ; the principal one is called Cascaes. We then passed into the mouth of the Tagus, where there are, on the left as
1 Flying-fish are rarely found out of the tropics, but many fish will make | water when pursued by others,—f.4.1/, ‘ Z phe coreceioul giths
46 SWABEY DIARY.
you enter, two channels for ships, defended by St. Julian, which is not
cut out of the rock as described, but built on its top, and has seven
bastions, and, constructed on a sand in the middle of the river, there is
a ravelin entered by foot-bridges, beyond which the shoals prevent
the passage. Our pilot, who had been on board all night and was the. first specimen of a Portuguese, told us that under the bridges were
dungeons for the confinement of criminals. As we sailed on, the tower
and works at Belem formed, with the opposite heights of Velha, another
line of fire to prevent ships from sailing here.
Lisbon opened on our view standing majestically on a declivity of a hill like an amphitheatre, its appearance was grand, every building, of which there were many tine ones, appearing to advantage. Weanchored off the dockyard of the Arsenal, and our transport immediately began to disembark horses,’ and the detachment, as soon as formed, was marched under the Sergeant-Major to Sacavem, eight miles up the course of the Tagus. It is singular that no platform is built large enough for more than one ship to unload at the same time when so many horses are landed at Lisbon. One tide will only bring alongside two, or if small, three transports at most, so that a regiment of Dragoons may be five days disembarking, there being two tides per day. Newland and I, after seeing the horses off, found out Lieutenant Saunders,? who was sick, and dined there at seven o’clock in the evening. Our return to the ship was truly ridiculous, as when we wanted a boat neither of us could make ourselves understood. After trying French and German for some time, I at last met Monsieur le Francois, who procured us one. ‘The difficulty then was to direct the people, but our friend, the Frenchman, at last made them understand that I was to hold the helm and they were to row, by which arrangement after much search, we reached our destination on board “ K.I.,” where we slept.
22nd August.—Was employed from 4 o’clock in the morning till 7 o'clock at night, without even resting for refreshment, in disembark- ing horses and stores. Dyneley, Harding, and Newland marched off the parties, as soon as completed, to Sacavem. I took up my abode in a billet with George Willis,® after getting some supper at the Mess.
23rd August.—I was employed in the early part of the morning, assisted by a party from the barracks, in getting the guns mounted and marched off to the Arsenal, where they will undergo some alteration. I went to dine at an hotel at “ Buenos Ayres,” the best part of Lisbon, and most frequented by the English. I went afterwards to the Salitre, National Theatre, where the entertainment, as is the custom, consisted in dancing and opera performance, neither of which were at all worthy of notice. Though neat and well painted, for the Portuguese excel in rough scene painting, the house is badly constructed, the sides being rectangular, so that you must constantly turn your head in order to see
1 It is strange that, in this voyage lasting 50 days, no mention is made of the troop horses, we must conclude there were no casualties. Sacayem was a depdt for receiving troops on arrival in Portugal.—F.4.W.
2Lieutenant W. Saunders, R.A. 3 Lieutenant G. B. Willis, R.A.
SWABEY DIARY. 4.7
the stage, which becomes very tiresome. Nor does the interior of the boxes at all correspond with the grandeur of the outside, as they have only one bench in front, which seats but four people, and does not incline to the stage. I expected, of course, to see all the beauty and fashion of Lisbon, but looked in vain, the senhoras having little to distinguish them from the women to be seen on foot in the streets. Their dress is exceedingly plain, and, doubtless, if there are any pretty women in Portugal, they have been enclosed in the convents.
As to Lisbon, the part which was built after the last great earth- quake! by the Marquis de Pombal, the then Minister, might be called fine, were the streets clean. ‘The houses, plastered to resemble stone, are of an immense height and have many storeys, each, except in the grandees palaces, holds a separate family, and they have filthy habits. The other parts, which are not of the Marquis’s construction, are filthy in the extreme, the stench so great that, in spite of manners on first arriving’, one must hold one’s nose, and the streets are so intricate that it is extremely difficult to find one’s way. Notwithstanding the con- stant intercourse with Hngland, I was surprised to find no hotel that could deserve the title of decent, though the one at “ Buenos Ayres” might indeed be an exception. The people are indolent and filthy to a degree scarcely credible, and though there are wells and springs in almost every direction, they have no method of getting the water by pipes into their houses, but must send for it in casks, and they even hawk it about the streets as we do mackerel. The people at my hotel are very unwilling to let me drown myself in it, and are surprised at an Englishman who may have been taught the use of water, as well as of soap and towel. In the houses which are lighted by lamps there are no fire-grates, only stew-pans and chafing dishes, in which they burn charcoal. Their cookery consists of a vile jumble of oil and onions, very unpleasant to an Hnglish stomach; they, however, almost com- pensate for it by the fruit, the chief kinds at this time of year being grapes and water-melons, and every sort of fruit that we have in England, except currants and gooseberries. I think our English melons and peaches much finer. I dare not buy much as yet, as the money has so many subdivisions that it takes some time to know its value, and I am told that the people are great hands at cheating and stealing.
Being now on the subject of Lisbon, I must mention that everybody of condition keeps a carriage drawn by two horses or mules, it has shafts or poles with two or four wheels, with a leather curtain that draws up in front in the place of windows, and holds two, or three people, if stuffed in as we sometimes go toa ballin England. These
1The 1st of November, 1755, will ever be a memorable crisis in the annals of Europe, and especi- ally of Lisbon. In that city, which then contained nearly a quarter of a million of inhabitants, a brilliant morning sun was shining on the papal festivities of All Saints’ Day. At 11 0’clock the celebration of High Mass at 30 churches was quenched in universal collapse. The earthquake was sensibly felt all over western Europe, northern Africa, and even in the West Indies; but the catastrophe wrought its climax in Lisbon, where the convulsed bed of the Tagus lifted for some minutes all its shipping high and dry, to be overwhelmed immediately after by a refluent rush of waters, which fairly turned the harbour-quay bottom upwards and then swallowed it out of sight. Of the thousands of fugitives who had sought safety at that spot, and who thus went down quick into Hades, not a corpse ever rose to the surface. ‘The loss of human life in the city was estimated at 30,000, and the loss of property at £95,000,000. “ House of Cromwell”? (James Waylen), p. 114.
A8 SWABEY DIARY. “concerns” are of various degrees and can only be described by the pencil, but some of the principal people have a chaise with four wheels and glass windows drawn by four horses. The drivers are the greatest part of the curiosity, in cocked hats, long queues, and high military boots, but, to do them justice they drive well, though slowly; indeed, the hills in the streets oblige them to acquire this habit, and as the pavement is all of what is called with us Scotch pebbles, Mr. Buxton’s rapidity would soon pitch a barouche on its beam ends. I drove ina hired carriage to avoid the heat, which is intense and unremitting. These are like hackney coaches, and are to be had when it does not rain, which it has not done here for four months.
The billet Willis is in, is the common run of a gentleman’s house here, and consists of a small bedroom within a sitting-room, full as usual of fleas and all detestable vermin, so that it is next to impossible to sleep. The two or three men who remained to be with me and the guns were so annoyed in the barracks that they preferred lying out under their carriages. I went to-day to the Marquis of Pombal’s house, now the residence of Mr. Stewart, our Chargé de Affairs, a quarter where the houses, as is usual among those of the nobility, are very grandly painted and ornamented with gilt and glasses, some of them being entirely flat and yet appearing to be carved, from the excellence of the canvas painting, and this one is the best, because the most recently-built nobleman’s house in Lisbon, and has a tolerable - stone staircase. The paintings and ornaments, generally, are in imi- tation of marble, and some parts are beautifully paved with the same sort of tile that we have in an English dairy, but superior, and having a good effect. In the houses in general, for instance the one where the Artillery mess, the fault consists in its having no staircase or passage, one room opens into another through a door in the corner, and so on. The rooms themselves are magnificent, though not always arranged with taste, and never with comfort.
Some of the men are fine, stout, fellows, and generally have fine eyes and good teeth. With the exception of the labourers, one can scarcely discriminate between the degrees of people, most of them wearing rusty cocked hats, some with servants behind them. I have not yet learned the difference between monks and friars,! &c., but there are many of them idling in the streets. I should observe that the extreme number of cripples and most oddly deformed persons is quite sur- prising, and I am told that the mothers even deform their children by way of ensuring them a provision by charity. ‘he aged are numer- ous—so mnch so, that I am inclined to think that people decline here early in life. There are no hospitals, except the temporary military ones, to be seen. ‘hey have a regiment of police tolerably soldier-like in their appearance, and the other regiments that I meet are as well as can be expected. I saw a string of recruits chained together under an escort, these they called volunteers for the army, but they do not release them till they reach the depot. . . . . . .
1A friar is a brother of any religious order, but especially of the four mendicant orders, viz. : Franciscans (gray friars), Augustines, Dominicans (black friars), Carmelites (white friars). Monks and friars are equally bound to vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience.—F.4.W.
SWABEY DIARY. 49
24th August.—I was employed in getting the guns conveyed from
the barracks to the Arsenal, a work of no small difficulty on account of ' the scarcity of horses, a brigade having been just fitted out and sent up . the country. Horses of middling value, worth £50 in England, are sold here for £150, mules frequently for £80.
25th August.—Was to have dined at Mr. Stewart’s, the Ambassador’s, but was taken by Captain Macdonald to the Arsenal, from whence we get camp equipage, two store carts of a new construction, leaving our own behind, and a new forge cart of a different pattern, having a gun-limber and lighter perch. The splinter-bars of the guns and car- riages aro to be shortened for defiles, a box is to be put on every carriage for stores, and the rear left box of each ammunition wagon is to be fitted to carry 10 additional rounds of case shot. I dined in the evening, in company with Captain M., with young Maxwell,! who is left behind sick at Lisbon, and for the first time saw the ceremony of a procession of the Host, which is carried amid a long train of priests to the residence of anyone who is not supposed likely to live. It is of course meant to represent the omnipresence of the blessed Trinity, but I cannot separate an image as a symbol of that sort from my ideas ofidolatry. From another point of view, as the ceremony is not per- formed at the request of the sufferer, it appearsa good invention for an heir to frighten a rich testator to death.
Abe Ser a : 26th August—Gunners Hollowell and Dean and two drivers, all with dysentery, and Gunner Thomson with the ague, came in this day from Sacavem sick, and were ordered to the Ordnance hospital. The Portuguese are such thieves that some of them employed in the Arsenal took off the claw hammers from several of our guns.
I dined at the Mess, and went to the Ruade-Condés theatre, the performances here consisted of a short farce, of the merit of which, not understanding the language, I regretted that I could form no opinion, the rest of the entertainment was similar to that at the Salitre. I had a better opportunity of criticising the dancing, being admitted behind the scenes. Its merit consisted in a forced agility without grace, the effort of mere strength, one man, indeed, who is an Italian, had some idea. I have scarcely a right to judge, as the Opera company having lately followed the fortunes of their Prince to Brazil, their theatres are only the Astley’s of Lisbon. The Fandango was danced, which I think highly disgusting. . . .. . 5 ACV ys
2th August.—Captain Macdonald found me employment in the morning at 4 o’clock. On my way to the Mess-room, which, by-the- bye, is in the house of the Marquis de Lalle, who has been proscribed as a traitor and his goods confiscated, I walked into the church of Santa Mariska, where was being performed some grand festival, at which a Roman Cardinal officiated. The music, a full band with the organ, was the greatest treat of that sort I ever enjoyed—so much so, that I preferred it to my dinner; the vocal part convinced me, without further enquiry, of the inferiority of our Opera, as they had many assistants
1 Lieutenant John Maxwell, R.A.
50 SWABEY DIARY.
from the Patriarcal band. The church is beautiful beyond description, and rich with gilt ornaments and images in costly dresses, with pearls and diamonds. Colonel Fisher,! who has great taste in architecture, justly remarked that the ornaments were heavy, but the altar-piece and canopy to the figure of Aaron above the altar are very superior in taste as well as magnificence. All the different altars were lighted with numerous wax torches, before these the religious prostrate themselves and remain transfixed, as ib were, and motionless. It is impossible to dive into the heart of man, but from beholding them you would pro- nounce them decided idolaters, and surely the ignorant part of society can know very little of the subject which they adore in image, and, I fear, address their devotions only to the outward form, but I should be uncharitable not to add that there is an earnestness in their deportment which is at least becoming. ‘The Catholic service is performed by the priests in Latin only, and can in no way be edifying to the people who cannot understand what is meant; I own I was almost tempted to cry in pity for their ignorance. I conceive the true worship of God to be a spiritual service, whether it is a Roman Catholic or a Protestant that humbles himself before Him. The beauty of this church induced me to go into several others, some of which were the chapels of Nun- neries, and I heard the fair prisoners singing from behind the gratings ; surely it was something more than fancy that brought their voices to my ear with but a melancholy sound. ‘Those, indeed, that I heard were of a very rigid house, that of La Concepcion ; in some they are allowed to visit their friends when sent for. All the churches I entered were rich in the extreme, the plunder of these alone might even have satisfied the rapacious Junot, who levied during his stay great contri- butions on Lisbon.
The Duke of Abrantes seems not to have been wanting in consider- ation for the people of Lisbon. “An extraordinary contribu- tion of four millions sterling, decreed by Napoleon, was demanded under the curious title of a ransom for the State, but the sum was exorbitant, and Junot prevailed on the Emperor to reduce it one half. He likewise, on his own authority, accepted the forced loan [levied by himself on entering Lisbon], the confis- cated English merchandise, the Church plate, and the royal property in part payment; yet the people were still unable to raise the whole amount, for the Court had before taken the greatest part of the Church plate and bullion of the kingdom, and had also drawn large sums from the people, under the pretext of defending the country: with this treasure they de- ~ parted [to the Brazils], leaving the public functionaries, the . army, private creditors, and even domestic servants unpaid.” Napier’s “History of the War in the Peninsula,” Vol. L., p. 142.
28th August.—Newland came in from Sacavem, and I heard the sad news of the death of a leader of one of my guns, which gave room for me to reflect how positive I had been in recommending him to be kept, but we cannot always be right. titan ae Teepe
1 Lieut.-Colonel G. B. Fisher, Commanding R.A.
SWABEY DIARY. 51
29th August.—Set out early for Sacavem to sit at a court-martial on Gunners Highton and Taylor for selling necessaries; Driver Joseph Dean, for insulting a Portuguese family; Chapple, for being absent from stable duty; and Macmullen, for being drunk on parade and speaking improperly to Corporal Hedge. ‘This is my first excursion into the country, the roads are paved nearly all the way to Sacavem in a very rough and disagreeable manner, and it becomes necessary when one asks the distance one has to travel to know likewise how long it will take one to go.
The houses and gardens in the suburbs have a very different appear- ance from those in Lisbon, béing clean, the latter neatly walled and laid out in grape walks, which form generally a continued arbour all round them; they are stocked with peaches, strawberries, and good vegetables, which, however, require constant care and watering. In each garden there is a well with a wheel, round which turn pitchers, that lift the water as they rise, and when they turn at the top, dis- charge their contents into a trough or stone reservoir. The grain is now cut; there is some Indian corn standing and orchards of olives, which trees, except in leaf, exactly resemble pear orchards in Here- fordshire, and are generally fenced with loose stone walls or rows of aloes which grow very large here, and form an impenetrable barrier. In the gardens there are arbours formed of a species of tree similar to box or myrtle, containing seats, with fish-ponds and regular parterres edged with box. The flowers now in bloom, which are planted al- ternately, are the convolvulus and balsam. I have as yet seen no hot-houses, though I suppose it is possible to have grapes all the year OUNCE Memes inher ite aoe e eget csr Fer ee ace en ee eee
30th August.—Returned to Lisbon with Taylor, who dined with me: I renewed my acquaintance with Captain Webb of the 4th Dragoon Guards (my step-mother’s nephew), whom I found at Sacavem.
31st August.— Wrote to Kate and Mr. Walcott, and afterwards went to the church of St. Roque to see the mosaic picture. ‘The church is most splendid, containing, besides the High Altar, 10 chapels. To give an idea of the richness of Catholic churches, I minutely took down notes of one of the richest chapels, which were as follows: the footsteps to the altar, porphyry ; the base or part on which it stands, granite; the slab itself studded with amethysts, its edges granite. The pillars to sup- port the canopy are lapis lazuli, their bases alabaster. A slab on which stand the candles above the altar is cornelian, the door-posts to the entrance of the chapel entirely of verd-antique.! For the furniture on the altar, besides the candlesticks of silver, there are two beautiful candelabra or claws with various devices in silver gilt, and two pieces of alabaster in the form of butterflies with expanded wings. The front of the altar, a representation of the offering of the Lamb, is in silver on lapis lazul, and it alone cost 80,000 dollars. Above the altar-piece is the mosaic picture of the Pentecost, on one side the Annunciation, and on the other the Baptism of our Saviour. Hveryone knows what mosaic work is, but few have an opportunity of conceiving to what perfection
1 A green porphyry used as marble and called oriental yerd-antique—F.4.W.
52 SWABEY DIARY.
it may be brought, since it even requires one to ascend a ladder and examine them to know that these pictures are not on canvas. The floor is in devices of mosaic.. All the parts are richly covered with gilding, and the whole chapel cost 300,000 crowns.
I afterwards dined with Taylor at the English hotel, intending to go to Belem, but could not stir him after dinner.
1st September.—Rode with Willis to Belem, where I saw the Prince’s riding-school, in which I was disappointed, the painted ceiling being very common, and the shape of the school defective, being too long and ill calculated for its intended use. We went then to the Museum of Natural Curiosities, which is small and very deficient in specimens of insects and animals, the minerals and fossils are good, and the collection of birds and reptiles well arranged. The Portuguese certainly under- stand stuffing animals better than we do in England, and with fish, which are here preserved in a manner I could hardly conceive possible, they are particularly successful. From the museum we went to the Queen’s garden. The plants, annuals, &c. that come under the de- scription of garden flowers have few variations from the English kinds. There were some shrubs, which I did not know, and in a conservatory, all the Brazilian exotics, forming a fine collection and needing no hot- house.
In the evening we saw a grand procession of priests carrying about the Host, and attended by some soldiers; the canopy and the image of St. Vincent, which formed part of the cavalcade, were very rich, music playing all the while. Thermometer 87 degrees.
2nd September.—Harly dinner with Captain Macdonald, who was endeavouring to procure quarters for Mrs. Tonyn,! who had come from England to find her husband.
3rd September.—Rode all over Lisbon to purchase different articles that my foresight had not provided for when I left England, particu- larly portmanteaus, without which an officer’s baggage might as well be at home.
4th September.—I went in company with George Willis to Sacavem, meaning to remain there. I found very comfortable quarters in the cleanest house I had yet seen in Portugal, with a large garden well supplied with vegetables of every description, and grapes of every sort in abundance. Strawberries, I remember having said, were not culti- vated in the country, but in this garden there were some beds; it was watered by means of a wheel turned by an ox, as are almost all gardens about Lisbon and elsewhere. . . . che.
5th September.—Was up at 3 o’clock with the intention of shooting, but waited on the bridge in Sacavem a full hour for daylight, and after walking till the heat of the day stopped us, only found three birds, which got up out of shot. I could not help recollecting the many pleasant hours I had passed when I went to shoot last year in the month of September. et rah ea a Pala
1 Wife of Captain Charles W. Tonyn, 48th Regiment,
SWABEY DIARY. 53
6th September.—George Willis left us, Newland and Dyneley were both very unwell with flux,' the former, however, made a most ex- cellent rally.
7th September Eayent to 5 TURN voy erage of Cepia Macdonald, to inspect my new guns, and on arriving after two hours’ riding in the most terrible heat I ever remember, found they were not ready. Dined at the Mess in Lisbon, which place I was very happy to leave in the evening. I started back with Newland, but about half-way I found I had forgotten some medicine I had undertaken to bring to Dyneley, and so was obliged to turn back, and then perform the journey alone; no very pleasant job, eight miles in the dark over a rough, stony, road in a foreign COU: the may unknown to me. I, however, arrived safely.
Sth September. Ste ie At Saucon not py te he opportunity.
Ith September --Poiedlal at ae O vale 4 in she morning, Re Feittea to Lisbon to bring our new guns from the Arsenal, the day excessively hot, and the dust very tormenting, returned to Sacavem by 3 o’clock.
10th September.—Kmployed from 4 o’clock in the morning till 7 at night, packing our aaa e aud otherwise eee for the march.
11th Sepvenotier Ms ane passed i ina annie way to ithe est a the additional adventure of a wagon’s getting over the bridge of boats at Sacavem ; the horse was, however, saved by the timely assistance of men from the barracks. Some horses joined, 22 in number from the artillery drivers, and 17 mules; likewise 22 horses and some men for the R.H.A., who are with the ar “my. N.B.—From Lisbon, at Sergeant Bradley’s gun, four round shot wanting.
+ Diarrheea.
(To be continued).
55
A METHOD OF CALCULATING THE PROBABILITY OF COAST DEFENCE FIRE.
BY
MAJOR R. M. B. F. KELLY, R.A.
In the Rivista di Artigleria e Genio for June 1894 there is an interesting article on the method of calculating the probability of coast defence fire against moving objectives entitled, ‘A contribution to the study of the probability of fire of Coast Artillery.’
I began a translation of this but found when I came to the calcula- tions and tables that the results for Italian guns with their method of observation, ranging &c. would be of little interest or use to our service, and besides I could not quite agree with all the bases of calculation in the Italian article, factors of probability for instance having been omitted. I have therefore taken my idea from the article above quoted and worked it out so as to correspond as far as possible with English systems.
The problem is as follows. Granted a Range Finder’ and system of working it and the guns, by means of which predictive firing is possible, and assuming that although the course of the objective will neither be in an absolutely straight line nor traversed at a constant speed, yet, that during short intervals of time the course will be practically a straight line and constant in speed, that is to say, the changes in speed and direction will not be so frequent as to make predictive firing impossible. What should the percentage of strikes be at various ranges for various speeds of objective ?
The result arrived at will be the maximum under the most favour- able circumstances, when no errors beyond those inherent in the instruments, guns and ammunition occur.
The article I have referred to commences with a long discussion on the possibility of predictive firing, but as that forms the basis of our system of fire control, I do not think I need reproduce it in this article. I think we are prepared to admit, that if we have observed the path of a ship for a certain time we can fairly predict her range or her position at the end of another short space of time.
1 Or Position Finder,
2. VOL. XXII. 8
56 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
The steps necessary to calculate the percentage of effective shots one may expect at a moving objective are
(1) to reduce the objective to an equivalent horizontal area or target having a certain length and breadth, which will vary with (a) the gun, (6) the height of the gun above the sea, (c) the range, (d) the dimensions of the objective, and (e) its path ;
ay
é
(2) to calculate the modifications necessary in the dimensions of the 50 per cent. zones when firimg under ordinary conditions at a moving objective ;
(3) to compare these dimensions with those of the target.
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE. 57
(4) By referring these results to a probability table to find the percentage of shots that should fall in the length and in the breadth of the objective thus ‘ projected’ on to the horizontal plane.
(5) From this to calculate the probable percentage of effective shots.
The area of the horizontal equivalent of the leLiyet presented by a ship will depend on
(1) length, breadth, freeboard of ship ;
(2) gun used ;
(3) height of gun above sea level ;
(4) range ;
(5) angle of approach.
The outline of the ship may be considered to be an ellipse whose axes are the length and breadth of the ship.
Let acbd be such outline, let LZ and / the axes of this ellipse be the length and breadth of the ship, h its freeboard.
@ the angle of arrival of the projectile, i.e. angle of descent for range ap depression angle.
¢ the angle which the line of fire mn, makes with a, b the length of the ship.
eae be another outline of the ship parallel to the first at a distance mm, dependent on @ and h.
Draw pp,, 77, tangents to the two ellipses; the area equivalent to the target is then the space pmgqq,n,p,, and this space may be con- sidered equal to a rectangle whose length A is mn,, and whose breadth B is such that the area of the rectangle will be equal to the area UO GI a
The rectangle AB can be calculated from the properties of the ellipse.
Lxt h
=r Set adiootioudod afouduosudaduodu iD), VE cos? fb + L? sin? p tan 6 (1)
7 h Poot t Tae o Ec ew ¢+L7 sin? & eens ey | an eal Deere ero eereerecsssoes ° Now supposing the ship were stationary and the firing carried out with the same accuracy as when firing to obtain the length M and breadth NV of the 50 per cent. zones, the percentage of effective shots
could be found by working out the values of a and. of 4 , and referring
them to a probability table such as is found in the Appendix to M°Kinlay and multiplying the two percentages together; thus, if
1 4 (taken as 100 per cent.) and re 1 or 50 per cent., the percentage
of hits would be 50 per cent., or, if the value of s gave 75 per cent.
58 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
and of a 40 per cent., the percentage of hits would be 30 per cent.
But when firing under ordinary conditions and at a moving target other errors besides those inherent in the gun itself come into play. M and N would become larger in value than the length and breadth of the 50 per cent. zones.
We have now to calculate the dimensions of the 50 per cent. zones or the probable longitudinal and lateral dispersion of shots fired under ordinary service conditions and at a moving objective.
If two or three causes affect the accuracy of the shooting of a gun each one of which taken by itself would produce a certain probable error, the total error when all are acting together is found by the expression
IHN G EI GPG ERIS, so5o000060000000000006005000000005% (3).
Example: if the probable error of a gun fired as for range and accuracy test at a certain range is 10 yds., and if a particular gun layer lays with a certain normal error, which at that range would produce a variation of 20 yds., the resultant error from these two causes would be
E=NV 10? +20?=22°4,
and as this error # may have a positive or negative value,
M or the length of the longitudinal dispersion will equal
2 N10? + 20°,
To apply this to the case under consideration the causes leading to error in range will be
(1) the inherent error in the gun AT;
(2) the personal error of the number giving, or reading, the elevation given AP;
(8) The error in taking the range AY.
Then I 3) NSB le NPE AOE son poveanoppbboodooseeSonskeenbe (4).
AT is simply the length of the 50 per cent. length zone.
AP can be tested for each individual, or an average can be struck.
AX is rather more difficult to evaluate, it is compounded of two errors.
One, the error in measuring the range which we will call dz, and the other the prediction error, or the error in estimating the distance the objective will have advanced or retired during the “time of firmg”; dy.
dx will be a percentage of the range and may be written dX where X is the range. This is only true within certain limits; for instance, with the Mark 7D D.R.F. if the error for short ranges is 1 per cent. or 10 yds. per 1000 at 10000 yds. the error will be much greater than 100 yds.
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE. 59
As above, the whole error AX =N da? + dy? The calculation of the error dy is rather lengthy, so I have omitted it and merely give the result, =dXN2 2 ;
where 7’ is the time of firmg and ¢ the number of seconds between each observation.
Le. 7’=time of flight + Fort time. t=time taken by objective to increase or diminish range by 50 yds. when ranges are called every 50 yards,
T? dy? =2dX? @? and 0, AM Wan ee NORE belo ltste nt Mid (5).
T12 The value pcan easily be solved by reference to a F. C.’s correction table.
2 e.g. if the correction is 50, then ¢=7' and Z =1.
He 2 If the correction is 25, =27 and = —— =]:
If it is 100, t=47 and = =
1 3L 1 NG it SS, BS my and re Ty
The value dX can be ascertained for any particular instrument and observer at fixed known ranges, and for all except Mark JD instrument should not exceed 1 per cent. at medium ranges with well-adjusted D.R.F. and well-trained observers. The values of AX can then be tabulated for different ranges and speeds.
AP, the error in reading the hydro-clinometer, or other means of reading Q#, should not exceed 24’ and can be tabulated in yard values for any particular gun.
AT is found in the range tables.
From the above I can be found.
To find WV or breadth of zone of dispersion. By similar reasoning,
IB) Wy Dy HPAES, TESTING saaobovensnabooasasesooosee+e6 (6).
A,T is the breadth of the 50 per cent. zone.
A,P is the lateral error in laying and is usually so small that it may be taken as ‘1 per cent. of the range.
60 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
A.S, or the error in estimating the lateral movement of the objective, can be calculated in a similar way to AX, and is equal to
da X oh v2, ty
where da is the value of the error in reading the bearing of the objective by means of the arc and vernier and can be estimated at *2 per cent. of the range, 7’ the time of flight, and ¢, the time taken by the objective to traverse 1° of arc, and can be tabulated for various speeds if the direction and range are known. A B
Thus the values of A, B, Mand WN can be tabulated. Mi and wy can
be worked out and their values compared with a probability table, and
the corresponding percentages p and p, found; then P ae will be
the percentage of effective hits.
Before proceeding to work out an example I will remark on the uses of all this rather elaborate calculation.
Stated briefly they are
(1) The interest in knowing what is the factor of efficiency we may expect from any particular gun at objectives moving under various conditions of speed, direction, range, Wc.
(2) It might be of value to a Section C.R.A. in helping him to decide which of several objectives should be engaged, or at what range to open fire on any particular objective.
(3) If a coast defence ‘Kriegsspiel’ was ever organized it would enable the umpires to form an idea of the probable results of any par- ticular period of the engagement.
(4) It would assist one in comparing the results of different batteries firing at practice under different conditions.
I will now proceed to work out the tables of values for A, B, M and N for a particular gun and objective, and then to show how these tables can be used to ascertain the probable percentage of effective hits.
I will take as an example a 6” B.L. gun Mk IV or VI, 100 ft. above sea level for the gun, and a ship 100 yds. long by 20 yds. wide with a freeboard of 5 yds. for the objective.
Lxt h
As oF from (1 JE cot G+L? sin? g tan ( (1); put
SE COP CD ELSE DN ooosns0ivssvosonssaose4e0oonoa0or (7),
Lxl h A — Hue tan 6 Peer cere errr ness sees rd esreeresdesees (8),
2000, 5
~ dd © tand
1 Tf laying by Case II.
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE. 61
» will vary with the value of ¢ or the inclination of Z the length of the ship to the line of fire.
@ with this particular gun at this particular height above sea level will vary with the range.
Now when ¢=0 the ship is advancing or retiring directly. The value of A is obviously the length of the ship Z+ the horizontal equiva- lent of the angle of arrival @ due to the height / of the freeboard.
But
Ll h Ih A= + Bap ay ee) and A=L.
Similarly when 6=90°; that is, when the ship is moving across at right angles to the line of fire,
,. & ASG and A=l+——.
But for intermediate values of ¢, e.g. 15°, 30°, 45°, 60°, 75°, X must be calculated by working out the value of the expression
VE cos? 6+ L? sin? f
for the different values of ; these values work out to
O20 15° 30° 45° 60° 715° 90° It. A= 20 3299 5291 7211 8718 9672 100 Ll=100 x 20 Ll TV, 92= 100 2 37-8 27-7 22:9 20°6 20
me must be worked out for successive ranges 1000, 2000, 3000,
tan 0 4000, 5000, 6000 yds. @ being equal to the angle of descent + depression angle must be found by working out the depression angle at these ranges due to the height of the gun, and adding the result to the D.A. given in the range tables. h the freeboard =5 yds.
Ranges yds. 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000
ie =O 94°88 64:73 43°11 30°04. 22°04 tan 6
Calculation of A. From IV.
~=0 g=15° g=30° g=45° g=60° g=75° =90° Ll
SC 100 62 378 27°7 229 20°6 20
62
From Y.
Ranges
1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
p=0 202°2 194:9 164:°7 148°1 130
122
h Values of : tan 6 Ranges 1000=102°2 2000 94°88 3000 64°73 4000 43:11 5000 30°04 6000 22°04 TABLE VI. Values of A. o=15° ¢=30°0 f=45° 6=60° g¢=75° g¢=90° 164:2 140 129°9 P25 oI 122°8 122°2
1569 132°7 122°6 1178 1155 114:9 126-7 102°5 92°4 87°6 85°3 84:7
105°1 80:9 70°8 66 63°7 63:1 92 67°8 57-7 52°9 50°6 50 84 59°8 49°7 44-9 42°6 42,
Calculation of B.
vg h h pe mo : = 77 = 7 a (2).
Omitting intermediate steps the result is tabulated.
Ranges 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000
dX can be taken
B (Tasie VIL).
p=15° ¢=30° f=45° fp =60° f= 75° =f = 90°
29°5 50 68 83'5 92°5 96°5 30 50 68 83 93 96 29 49 68 82 91°5 95 28 475 65°5 80°5 915 93. 275 46°5 645 79 88°5 915 27 46 63 775 87 90
Calculation of M.
WhO IRTOTE IN III NO oy obconssbGnbonponsoananbosons
GAB aX=dX,/1+2 = cet dlc care reeled nm
as 1 per cent. of the range.
The value of ~ is obtained as previously explained.
(5).
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
Value of
F. C.’s corr™. 25 yds. 50 yds. 75 yds. 100 yds.
[2
63
100 Ida?
6000 3600
= = 17 1 16 4 From (5) F.C.’s corr. 0 25 50 75 Vi we = @ Bla? Bde? 4 dla Since dX is 1 per cent. of the range, we get the following value for dX?: Ranges 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 IDS. aX? = 100 400 900 1600 2500 Values of
From VIII. and IX.
TABLE X. F. C.’s corr™. 100 75 50 25 Ranges 1000 yds. 900 455 300 150 2000. ,, 3600 1822 1200 600. 3000 ,, 8100 4100 2700 1350 4000 ,, 14400 7288 4800 2400 5000 _,, 22500 11388 7500 3750 6000 _,, 32400 16400 10800 5400.
SQoe2ee
AT is the length of the 50 per cent. zone and can be found from the
Range tables.
found.
TABLE XI. TABLE XII. yds. AT AT? AP AP’ 1000 23 529 48 2464 2000 18 324. 40:5 1640 3000 17 289 33-5 1122 4000 21 44] 27 729 5000 29 841 225 506 6000 40 1600 19°5 380
AP is the value of 24’ error at various ranges and can also be
By adding these three values and doubling their square root we get
the value of M as shewn in the table.
9
64 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
TABLE XIII. Values of WM. Ranges 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 F. C. corr". 100 122 147 194 250 309 371 75 115 WA 147 182 226 271 50 112 110 127 155 189 226 25 109 99 104 120 144 172 0) 108 95 95 106 125 150
The values of V are found in a similar way. ABN TPL IN TEAS IN IS seoonoonnosbeatost ube sebacone (6), where A,7’ is the width of the 50 per cent. zone. A,P is estimated at ‘1 per cent. of range (001). AWS = da x 2 V2, da=-2 per cent. of range.
. 1 . ° . ° f,=time of flight, 4, time taken to traverse 1° of arc; omitting intermediate steps the result is
TABLE XIV.
Values of UN.
Ranges 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 F. C.’s corr’.
2° Ti 23 34 46 58 69 1° 45’ 10 20 30 40 50 60 T° 30’ 9 17 27 35 48 52 1° 15’ 7 14 22 29 36 43 i 6 12 18 24 30 36 45! 4 9 14 19 24 29 30’ 3 fa 10 14 18 22, 15’ 2 5 8 10 13 16
0 2 4 6 9 Il 14
Example of use: gun and objective as in tables; direction of advance $= 30°; Range 5000 yds.; F. C.’s correction 75 yds. and 15’.
A=68. B=465. M=226. N=13.
A 68 ae Waa 3 referred to probability table=16 per cent. t= <8 % ~ =98 per cent. 98 “16 588 98
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE. 65
1568 = 15°68 per cent., which would give the probable percentage of effective hits.
Except with Position Finders it is difficult to obtain the exact value of @ or the angle of approach, but it is easy to draw up beforehand tables giving the probable percentage of hits for objectives at various speeds moving either directly towards or away (6=0), directly across ¢=90°, or midway between the two 6=45°. For this it is necessary to have tables of F. C.’s corrections and a speed table in order to be able to select the proper value for WM.
With electric range dials and when firing by Case II. the Fort time may be taken as 2”.
The Fire Commander’s correction table will then be
TABLE XV. F. C.’s corr". for Range 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 yds. tw ww Ww wt i mw 10) 16 20 28 40 52 64. Be 8 mo le ay 0 a time to traverse 50. 4 5 7 10 13 16 50 vd 2 ; 75 3 4 5 fi 10 12 phe 100 2 3 4 5 7 8 TABLE XVI. for 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 yds. Training wt nt J m” , wt t wm 9 16 24. 40 iL ak 1 28 2 16 15! 8 12 20 32 44 i 30’ 4 6 10 16 22, 34 45! 3 5 74 12 17 26| time to ie 2 3 5 8 11 17\. traverse 1 6y 13 28 44 7 10 16| JL ofare 1° 30’ 14 25 33 6 84 14 1° 45! 14 1g 3h 5 74 12 ae 1 14 24 4 aye 84 TABLE XVII. Speeds. if¢=0 if ¢=45° 20 knots is equivalent to 50 yards in 43" a 15 99 bb} bP) ve 10” 10 ” ” ” 9” 13” 5 ” ” ” 18” 26”
A ship advancing directly end on at any of the speeds given in this table will increase or diminish the range by 50 yards in the time shewn opposite the speed in and under the column heading ¢=0. <A ship advancing obliquely at the same speed will not alter the range by
66 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
50 yards so quickly; the times given in the first case must be multiplied by some factor, and when @=45° this factor is /2 or 14, These results have been placed in the second column under ¢=45°. When the ship is moving directly across the range is constant and the F. C.’s correction is 0.
Example: a ship advancing direct at 15 knots, Range 5000 yards,
e=0 Time 7”, F.C.’s corr.=100, M=309.
= 45° Time 10”, F.C/’scorr.=75, M=226.
$=90° Time o, F. Cs corr.=0, M —125.
Table of Deflectrons.
Since 1° subtends 50 yards at a range of 3000, at that range a ship moving directly across @ = 90° will traverse 1° of arc in the same time that a ship moving directly end on would take to diminish the range by 50 yards, and if moving obliquely 6=45° the same factor would hold good, so that the speed table for range would become a speed table for deflection.
At 1000 yards a vessel moving at the same speed would traverse 1° in one-third the time; at 6000 yards in double the time. A speed table for deflection can thus be made.
TaBLE XVIII.
Table of times taken to traverse 1° of arc at various speeds.
Speeds 20 knots 15 knots 10 knots 5 knots Angles of approach @=90° =45° ¢=90° 6=45° f=90° G¢=45° G=90° G=45° Times Ranges Mt " ” Mu” ” Mt ” “ 1000 15 2 2:25 _ 3°25 3 4:25 6 85 2000. 3 4:25 4°75 65 6 8-5 12 16°75 3000 4:5 6:25 a 10 9 12°5 18 25°25 4000 6 8:5 9°25 13 12 16°75 24 33°5 5000 75 10°5 11°75 16°25 15 21 30 42 6000 9 12°5 14 20 18 25°25 36 50°5
Taking the same example,
p=90°, time 112”, F. Cs corr. 1°, W=30, p=" ” 163, ” 45, N=24, p=0, sf 0, W=11.
A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE. 67
To find A and B in this case, Tables VI. and VII.
$=90° A=50, p=45° A=575, p=0° A=130, » B=915, ep S6a5: » B=165.
The percentages can then be found,
p=90° p= 45° p=0°
A _ 50 A_o15 A _180 M125” M226” M~ 309’ B _88% B_645 = B_168 IN BX” iy We? my I ©
_ These values can be worked out and referred to a probability table, and the percentage of hits will be found to be
p= 90° p=45° p=0° 20°5 per cent., . 11:9 per cent., 16 per cent.
The following is a table of efficiency worked out in this manner.
TABLE XIX. Table of efficiency or probable percentage of effective shots at a ship
300’ x 60’ x 15’ from a 6” B. L. gun 100 feet above the sea level, Range instrument D.R.F.
(1) Ship end on advancing or retiring direct, ¢=0.
Ranges 1000 2000 8000 4000 5000 6000 Speeds Percentages knots percent. percent. per cent. per cent. per cent. per cent. 5 79 83 67:5 465 24:25 - 16:25 10 79 82 59 38°5 21 9°75 15 79 id 59 32°75 16 9°75 20 78 77 52°25 24°75 12 75
(2) Advancing or retiring obliquely, ¢ = 45°.
knots percent. percent. percent. per cent. per cent. per cent. 5 58 61 49 35 20°5 13 10 58 59 42°75 30 15°5 86 15 57 57 37 23°5 ILS) a 20 54 55 37 19°5 Oe7. 6
(3) Moving directly across, ¢ = 90°.
knots percent. percent. percent. percent. per cent. per cent. 5 55 59 45 31 21 15 10 55 59 45 31 20:75 13°5 15 55 59 45 30 20°5 IIL
20 55 59 45 30 20 9°3
68 A CALCULATION OF PROBABILITY OF FIRE.
It will be observed that for the 6” gun, Marks IV. and VI, charge 48 lbs., E.X.E. MV 1960 fis., the probable rectangle as given in the handbook for 1891 is nearly as large at 100 yards as at 5000, and the 50 per cent. length zone is larger, viz. 30 yards at 100 and 29 yards at 5000; in other words, the gun according to this range table is more accurate at 5000 yards than at 100—its accuracy would appear to increase from 100 up to 3200 yards and then to decrease. This accounts for the apparently paradoxical result that you would get a greater percentage of hits at 2000 than at 1000 yards.
At 3000 yards the 50 per cent. zone is still less than at 2000, ie. the gun is more accurate, but at this range the horizontal equivalent value of the target presented by the objective is considerably less, consequently the percentages begin to fall off.
69
A PLEA FOR HEAVY GUNS IN FORTRESS DEFENCE. |
BY }
CAPTAIN G. TYACKHEH, R.A.
In the September number of the “Proceedings,””? Major Hickman, in a very able and interesting article on the “ Attack of a Modern Land Fortress,” disclaims at the outset any intention of approaching the subject in a dogmatic spirit. It is with the same disclaimer that I would preface the following remarks, which bear on one question in his article, viz.—
“Why not eliminate heavy guns in permanent emplacements altogether from the defence?”
To anyone approaching a subject like this pros and cons suggest themselves with equal readiness. Let us imagine a discussion between, say H. and 7.—
T.—You say that guns in forts, unprotected with armour, must be quickly disabled and that they are in no case able to obtain the same amount of cover as howitzers. Would not guns on disappearing carriages with top shields be even more under cover, except at the moment of firing, than howitzers?
H.—Your shield could be penetrated by high-angle fire, and the gun would betray its position the first time it rose to fire, and once that was noted its disablement by vertical fire would be easy.
T—At Lydd in 1887, 30 rounds from an 8-inch M.L. howitzer were fired at a 6-inch H.P. emplacement with all the advantages of communication with the range party. The howitzer is said to have shot well, but only one hit was obtained on the shield and that glanced off harmlessly.
You lay some stress on high explosive shells, but it has been shewn that when armour is struck, unless the shell penetrates, the effect of detonation on the armour is almost nil.
When using vertical fire the velocity of the falling projectile is low, and the shell is not usually adapted to armour piercing, so that it would appear only necessary to slightly increase the strength of the over-head shield to make it impervious to high-angle fire. Shields of the present thickness “ Harveyed ” might be sufficient.
‘he opening through which the gun rises could be automatically closed if desired as the gun descends.
A 9-inch shell will not penetrate a 44-in. steel plate with the velocity due to falling from a height of about 7000 feet, and this is probably a more severe trial that is to be expected from any siege piece.
2, VoL. XXII.
70 A PLEA FOR HEAVY GUNS IN FORTRESS DEFENCE.
H.—Well, supposing that your gun has the good luck not to be dis- abled, what can it do that a howitzer could not do as well ?
T.—It will secure me the advantages to be got from high velocity, long range and a powerful shrapnel shell.
The permanent nature of their mounting should enable the heavy guns to take part in the fight up to the extremity of their range, and to support the light artillery in the skirmishes before investment is completed, and also in any sorties or counter-attacks made by the defence.
Central pivot mountings lend themselves readily to a system of land position-finding, since they have an all-round arc of fire, and the gun can be laid from under cover.
A position-finding system, originally tried for coast batteries, making use of maps ruled in numbered squares, could be modified to suit land fronts. No cross bearings would be needed, as the features of the landscape would guide the observers, who might be pushed forward to advanced positions in the early stages of the attack, and stationed in balloons later on.
The numbers of the squares, with the range and bearing of each, would be posted up near the gun and fire could be directed on any square specified by the observation parties. Specially important points, such as cross-roads, lines of approach, or probable positions for batteries, etc., would be more minutely sub-divided than others.
Very useful observations were made at Lydd in 1887 from captive balloons, and photographs of the camp were automatically taken from a free balloon with no one in it. It appears likely that free balloons will become more manageable in the future, and there are reasons why it would be far more difficult to hit them than captive ones.
One advantage in high velocity is in the arrival of the shell before warning has been given by the report of the piece. It was found at Plevna! that, for this reason, high velocity guns were more dangerous and demoralizing to working parties than pieces whose projectiles travelled slower than sound.
With regard to howitzers and high explosives I have seen the results of firing with delay fuzes at casemates, and very destructive they are, but the shells that missed and buried themselves in the ground before bursting were quite wasted. I have also seen a 6-inch lyddite shell act wonderfully as a man-killing projectile—over a restricted area—when it burst absolutely on the surface, without penetrating the earth. But even if the burst were not smothered, the upward direction of most of the fragments militates against their usefulness, and it will be granted that time shrapnel from high velocity guns has a more wide spread man-killing effect than any percussion shell.
I have endeavoured to show that heavy guns, properly mounted, can still play an important part in the defence, both in the earlier and later stages, and it should be remembered that the defence could always em- ploy more of these weapons than the attack, owing to difficulties of transport, and by suppressing them would relinquish a manifest advantage.
1 Report on War Material of the Turkish Army, 1878,” by Colonel Maitland, R.A,
71
NOTES ON GERMAN MANCUVRES.
BY
MAJOR J. KF. MANIFOLD, R.A.
THE manoeuvres of the German Guard Corps were held this year over that triangular piece of country to the east of Berlin, of which Berlin, Frankfurt on the Oder and Ciistrin are the corners, the main centres of operations being Muncheberg, a small station on the line running from Berlin to Custrin, and Frankfurt. The country is of con- siderable historic interest, as it was the scene of the most important events of Frederick the Great’s campaign of 1758 and 1759, while the battle of Kunersdorf was fought within a few miles of the city of Frankfurt. The battle-field was an important point in this year’s manceuvres, its artillery positions, which have been so graphically de- scribed in the Royal Artillery Institution ‘“‘ Proceedings ” by Major May, are typical of ground which could be held by artillery in the face of the strongest attacks of infantry. Long rolling slopes of arable land, well cleared of timber, which could be swept equally well by sharpnel of the present day, or by volleys of canister at the shorter ranges of Frederick’s time.
The grand parade, which is always attended by the Emperor, was held this year on the opening instead of the final day of the manceuyres. The display was a fine one and was particularly interesting to gunners, as the German artillery then made their first attempt at Gallopping- Past. The Emperor had been so much impressed by the gallop past of the Horse Artillery on the occasion of his recent visit to Alder- shot, that he ordered that this parade movement should be copied by both the German Horse and Field Artillery. A certain amount of quiet protest was made by the officers at their being suddenly called on to perform, before very critical spectators, a movement which they had not previously practised, for even the crowd which attends German manceuvres is thoroughly professional ; the display, considering the lack of practice, was very fair, though the somewhat ragged line in which a few of the batteries went past might have been the cause of unpleasantness had the same been seen at Aldershot. The difference in the pace of movement of the German horse and field artillery is not so marked as with us, it has always been the custom for the latter to move at a gallop when necessary and they have thus become accustomed, through length of years, to the more rapid pace ot 10
25 VO. XXII.
72 NOTES ON GERMAN MAN@UVRES.
manouvre. It is still considered by some that for field artillery to gallop is passing beyond their province, and it ig not long since that I heard an officer commanding a very smart field battery in India called to account by a General officer, for bringing his guns into action at a gallop, although at a critical stage of the fight.
The manoeuvres opened with a very severe day for the cavalry, the whole of the eight cavalry regiments of the Guard Corps marching in one day from their quarters in Berlin and the neighbourhood to their billets in the villages around Frankfurt, a distance of over fifty miles. It was a heavy day and the horses looked a good deal tucked up after it, but the Veterinary Surgeon of one of the Ulan regiments assured me that there had been very few cases of sore backs or of horses rendered unfit for work from other causes. The horses of both artillery and cavalry in the German army always appear very fine drawn, but they are a tough lot of animals though hght and lanky in comparison with English troop horses, but the hard condition in which they are always to be seen, allows of their going through very severe work without injury. ‘The horses are, for the most part, obtained from the eastern provinces of Prussia, where they are bought when three or four years old, by the remount committees, from the large land owners. They are then sent to the remount depdts and remain there for a year or more, till they are sent to the various regiments as circumstances require.
A great deal of trouble and time is expended in training the remonnts, most of them remaining in the school for a year at least, before they finally take their place in the ranks. A cavalry soldier, like the re- mainder of the army, now serves for two years only, during which time he has to learn everything connected with his work, it is impossible to make him a really good rider in that time, but by giving him a thoroughly broken horse matters are very much simplified, with the result that, although the German cavalry may not be good horsemen individually, yet when taken as a body they are able, thanks to the per- fect training and steadiness of their horses, to manoeuvre and drill with the greatest precision. No horses take part in the annual manceuvres till they are six years old, so none but seasoned animals are in the ranks, and much of that prematurely developed unsoundness, demanding casting at an early age, is avoided. ‘This causes the squadrons to be somewhat weaker than they would otherwise be, but the horses, though not actually in the ranks are always ready io accompany the regiment should mobili- zation on a war footing be required. The system provides good horses and is economicalinthelongrun, Itis only in the Saxon army that the mounted services are not supplied from the depdts, but it has always been the custom in Saxony to buy direct from the dealers, despatching the horses at once to the various regiments, the remounts thus pur- chased being consequently a year older than those obtained for the depots. The Saxon officers do not uphold their system, but it is hard to change from long established ways.
* Bicycles are now being used to a very considerable extent for all kinds of orderly work, which can be done over roads. ‘T'wo or three bicyclists are attached to each brigade; on the march they move at
NOTES ON GERMAN MANQ@UVRES? 73
the head of the column near the General Officer Commanding, ready to convey orders to corps marching in rear. Hven if the roads are some what blocked a bicyclist requires but very little lateral space, and under such circumstances he can make more rapid progress than a horse- man. ‘The marching discipline of the German army is very good, when halted, even for a few minutes, troops immediately take up a position on one side of the road, leaving the centre of the road clear.
Nothing could be better than the German horse blanket, it is made of a warm fleecy material and is very much larger and heavier than the saddle blanket in use in our service, it completely takes the place of our numnah, being folded in three for this purpose, the thick, soft material, from which the blanket is made, affording good protection to the back. The blanket when opened for use as a covering is about seven feet long by six feet broad, and covers the horse from head to tail, the breadth allowing of the belly and legs to be well protected ; the saddle surcingle is used for keeping the blanket on the horse, the front corners of the blanket being knotted together across the chest. The ration given to the horses of artillery and cavalry differs very materially from what we allow—two pounds more of grain, and about one-half the quantity of hay, being given. In barracks the allowance of straw is seven pounds daily, but the climate of Germany is so dry and the seasons so regular, that bedding can be disposed of much more economically than in Hngland. Most of the officers to whom I was speaking were of opinion that the ration of hay was not sufficient. During manceuvres every horse gets in reality much more than the above allowance ; bedding is always supplied to an unlimited extent by the farmer on whom the horses are billeted, and a very considerable increase is generally made to the Government allowance of hay through the same source, so that one cannot judge fairly at manoeuvres of the condition of the horses as fed solely on the Government ration, as the latter is so largely subsidized from the farmers’ stack yard ; this gift of forage is not always made without a considerable grumble. The amount of kit carried on the horse is much smaller than in England, as no spare clothing is taken by the men, the only cloth clothes allowed being the one suib which is actually in wear, while the only change of clothing allowed is a loose jacket and trousers of stout canvas. .These make an excellent change after a march ; in summer, directly the men come in, the cloth clothes are exchanged for the canvas suits, while in cold weather the canvas is worn over the cloth thus giving a great deal of extra warmth. This white dress always looks neat and clean, and is well suited for all work about stables and such like duties.
A certain amount of change has been introduced of late in the equipment of the German soldier. It is now intended that in the actual engagements of importance that the knapsack should be left behind. The total weight carried by the infantryman is just under sixty pounds, an immense load for a man to march and fight under, so on the day of battle the knapsack will be left behind, and a few articles of absolute necessity will be carried in a small canvas bag, known as the “sturmbeutel.” This bag much resembles an ordinary cartridge bag, it weighs a few ounces, and when not in use it is carried at the
74 NOTES ON GERMAN MANGUVRES,
back of the knapsack under the flap ; it is intended to hold a few small articles of clothing and the compressed ration with which the German soldier never parts. When in use, the bag will be carried on the back, attached to the person by the ordinary knapsack straps. The mobility of the infantry when relieved of their heavy packs should be consider- ably increased; till now the German infantry have never been free from the weight of their knapsacks, and all the fighting during the war of 1870 was done by men carrying more than half-a-hundredweight ; relieved of a portion of this crushing weight, fighting power will be pro- portionately improved. Some very thorough system must be worked out which will enable a man to recover his knapsack on the conclusion of a fight; even in the case of a victory this would be no easy matter, while should a reverse take place, it would be an impossibility. Warning might well be taken from the facts recounted in a recent article in the Fortnightly Review, which tells how some of the regiments, which landed in the Crimea without their kits, did not recover them till six months later, a most severe winter having meanwhile been spent without them.
Besides his kit, the infantryman now carries a share of a tent, the smallest number of portions which can be put together is four, but twenty pieces, or more, joined together afford the most economical arrangement of shelter. The tents are made from a light kind of waterproof material, dyed khaki colour ; each portion is about 5 ft. long by 44 wide, and is carried folded round the knapsack outside the great- coat. Hach man carries a light tent pole made in three parts, which, when required for use, are fitted together with a socket joint; each stick is about 18 inches long, and the three are carried at the back of the knapsack under the straps, the waterproof tent and jointed pole weighing about six pounds all told. To put the tent together the various pieces of canvas are layed side by side on the ground, and buttoned together, the edges being arranged so as to overlap about six inches and so prevent the rain working through. The buttons are made of alluminium for the sake of lightness, a very important matter where every possible ounce of weight must be saved. ‘The buttons are well sewn on, as the difficulty of reattaching them to the canvas would be considerable. The canvas portion of the tent forms at other times a most practical waterproof cape, buttoning across the man’s chest and held round the waist by the small piece of tent rope, which each man carries. In wet weather sentries and men on out-post duty always wear these canvas coverings, and they all speak most highly of the pro- tection which they afford. Under the old system of bivouacking, tents were not provided. A screen of canvas or straw, about 34 ft. high, was erected inacircle, whose area was sufficient to give lying down space to about sixty men, the camp fire was built up in the centre, and the men slept shoulder to shoulder with their feet towards the fire. This wasan excellent plan in dry weather, the screen was a perfect shelter from the wind and the men kept each other warm, there was, however, no head cover against rain, so the screen was abandoned for the present system of tents. The tents are good, and the men say that they find them very comfortable, but the comfort is at times hardly earned under the extra
NOTES ON GERMAN MANQUVRES. 75
load of six pounds. ‘The artillery and cavalry do not carry tents of any kind, when bivouacking the men sleep between the two rows in which the horses of a sub-division are picketted, and in this way get a certain amount of protection from the wind. At manceuvresa plentiful supply of straw is always issued, and the gunners say that they sleep com- fortably in the open.
The German boot differs very much from ours, it is a low Wellington, the advantage of which is that the mud cannot work in by the ankle, so neither gaiters or spats are required; the boot would be according to our ideas unsuitable for marching, but it is the pattern most commonly worn by all the working classes throughout Germany, so that the men have always been used to it and would not readily under- stand the mysteries of a lace-up boot, and certainly the marching power of the infantry is beyond question. The long boots of the mounted troops are but seldom made with much attempt at cut or smartness, the boot fits loosely round the calf, with the advantage that whatever may be the weather, it can be pulled on or off without trouble.
No part of the uniform is smarter or more genuinely useful than the great-coat. The collar is the great feature, when not in use it lies well back over the shoulders being cut so deep as to almost form a cape, but when turned up, at night time or in bad weather, it comes well over the ears and nose, while a small pocket of alpaca, a continuation of the collar lining, forms a hood or cap, fitting tight on the head, so as to allow of the forage cap being worn outside. The durability of the material is beyond question. One evening I was talking to some men of the lst Guard Ulans, who after a long day were cleaning their kit and packing it away for the following morning’s parade, four of the men were engaged rolling a cloak, and noticing its very aged appcar- ance, I said “that cloak has given the state good service,” “yes,” replied the owner “I think it is about time it was cast, it has been twenty-five years in the regiment ;” the other men laughed but the man undid his cloak and shewed the date of issue 1868, saying “it was serving in this regiment five years before any of youwere born.” This incident is a true example of the strict economy and care with which everything is seen to in the German army.
The conditions under which manceuvres are held in England and in Germany are so different, that it is hard to draw a fair comparison be- tween the two. With us manceuvres may be said to be carried out only on sufferance, and their present development is largely due to the per- sonal influence of a few of the senior officers of the army, who have, in their private capacity, obtained permission for troops to manceuvre over a certain extent of country. In Germany the whole country is open to the army without let or hindrance, and a General Officer is in no way hampered by having his manceuvre maps marked in all kinds of colours to distinguish the ground over which his men may move, from that over which it is strictly forbidden to cross. - The actual manceuvring of the troops is therefore bound to partake more of the real nature of war than with us, but it is more especially in the manner in which the men are housed and fed, that the great difference occurs.
During the manceuvres every regiment must pass two or three nights
76. NOTES ON GERMAN MANGUVRES..
in bivouac for the sake of training in camp work, and the last two days of the manceuvres are generally devoted to movements where the whole force bivouacs in the open, but with these exceptions the troops are, as far as possible, billeted in the various villages in the neighbourhood of which the manceuvres are being held. ‘his system of billetting causes a good deal of trouble and inconvenience to the country people, and puts them to a certain amount of expense. All arrangements for billet- ting are made between the staff officer of the troops and the “ Schulze ”’ or government tax gatherer of the villages, who receives a notice to the effect that a certain number of troops, say one battery of artillery, one company of infantry and half a squadron of cavalry will be quartered m one of the villages in his charge for one or two days, and it is his business to distribuie the men and horses among the farm-houses in fair proportions. Asa rule, the officers are lodged together, and a fair sized farm may have to find accommodation for about twenty-four men and from twelve to twenty horses, but these numbers will vary with the number of men billeted on the village. ‘The men arrive at their billets during the afternoon, and as the commissariat will have distributed their rations during the forenoon, they expect to find their dinners ready. A householder is not legally bound to cook the soldiers’ rations, but it is the unwritten law of the land that this should be done, and to allow of weary men to cook their own food, would be an act of inhospitality which would be far from the mind of any German. ‘To cook-for. twenty men is no light matter, as out of this number there are probably two “‘avantageurs”’ or candidates for commissions, who must of course have their food apart from the others, there will also be the “‘ einjahrige ”’ or one year’s men, who, coming from a higher social class than the common soldiers, expect a separate mess ; three different sets of meals will therefore have to be prepared. The rations are both in quality and quantity inferior to ours, and the men expect the house- holders, on whom they are billeted, to supplement them considerably from their own larders. The soldiers generally expect to have their ration bread exchanged for the home-made bread of the farmer. The quality of the flour from which the ration bread is made is good, but the bread is often badly baked and sodden. Should a bye-day from’ manceuvre work occur, three meals, breakfast at seven o’clock, dinner at noon, and supper will have to be prepared, so that the farm establishment will spend most of its day in cooking for the soldiers quartered on them.
The “avantageurs ” and “ einjahrige ” are, when possible, put into rooms or out-buildings, apart from the other men. Most farm-houses seem to possess an infinite number of mattresses, these are filled with straw and make excellent beds, while all the spare blankets, quilts, and every kind of covering, are called into requisition, without which the men would often pass an uncomfortable night. Officers are provided with accommodation in the owner’s house, though two or three may at times have to share the same room ; the men are put into the barns and out- houses, where, with the help of spare mattresses borrowed from the house, and unlimited straw, they make themselves very comfortable. At the recent Guard manceuvres a barn was set on fire by some of the
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NOTES ON GERMAN MANGUVRES.
men anole after they had gone to bed. The dry straw caught fire and burnt like tinder, and three men of the Third Infantry “of the Guard were burnt to death and much property was destroyed.
Except for transport of men’s rations, Government carriage is but little used, all carts required for bageace and the various stor es, being obtained on requisition from the farmers, or in the town from those persons who keep carts. ‘Twenty-four hours notice is generally given to a farmer that he will be required to